文章分析：

Blurb

Passage 1

para 1:

That?half the human race is excluded by the other

half from any participation in government;?that?they

are native by birth but foreign by law in the very land

where they were born;?and that?they are

property-owners yet have no direct influence or

representation: are all political phenomena

apparently impossible to explain on abstract

principle.【連續(xù)并列取其一，讀懂一個就可以】?But 【讀如首句】on another level of ideas, the question?changes and may be easily resolved. The purpose of

all these?institutions?must be the happiness of the

greatest number. Everything that leads us farther

from this purpose is in error; everything that brings

us closer is truth. If the exclusion from public

employments?decreed?against women leads to a

greater sum of mutual happiness for the two sexes,

then this becomes a law that all?Societies?have been

compelled to acknowledge and?sanction.

這些不平等的情況都是為了更大的共同幸福；

Societies?

para 2:

Any other ambition would be a reversal of our

primary destinies; and it will never be?in women’s

interest?to?change the assignment they have received.

其他一切都是不對，女性不要造次；

in women’s?interest 為了女性的利益

para 3:

It seems to us?incontestable?that our common

happiness, above all that of women, requires that

they never?aspire?to the?exercise?of political rights

and functions. Here we must seek their interests in

the wishes of?nature.?Is it not apparent, that their

delicate?constitutions, their peaceful inclinations, and

the many duties of motherhood, set them apart from

strenuous habits and onerous duties, and summon

them to gentle occupations and the cares of the

home??And is it not evident?that the great conserving

principle of Societies, which makes the division of

powers a source of harmony, has been expressed and

revealed by nature itself, when it divided the

functions of the two sexes in so obviously distinct a

manner??This is sufficient; we need not invoke

principles that are inapplicable to the question. Let us

not make rivals of life’s companions. You must, you

truly must allow the persistence of a union that no

interest, no rivalry, can possibly undo. Understand

that the good of all demands this of you.

女性本弱，不要強求。

exercise?

?

Passage 2

para 1:

Contending for the rights of woman, my main

argument is built on this simple principle, that if she

be not prepared by education to become the

companion of man, she will stop the progress of

knowledge and virtue; for truth must be common to

all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to its

influence ongeneral practice. 【首句表明態(tài)度，讀句子讀主干，修飾再現(xiàn)主干核心】And how can woman

be expected to co-operate unless she know why she

ought to be virtuous? unless freedom strengthen her

reason till she comprehend her duty, and see in what

manner it is connected with her real good? If

children are to be educated to understand the true

principle of patriotism, their mother must be a

patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an

orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced

by considering the moral and civil interest of

mankind;?but?the education and situation of woman,

at present, shuts her out from such?investigations. . . .

女性應該受教育。tw

investigations

para 2:

Consider, sir, dispassionately, these

observations—for a glimpse of this truth seemed to

open before you when you observed, “that to see one

half of the human race excluded by the other from all

participation of government, was a political

phenomenon that, according to abstract principles, it

was impossible to explain.” If so, on what does your

constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will

bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by

a?parity?of reasoning, will not shrink from the same

test: though a different opinion prevails in this

country, built on the very arguments which you use

to justify the oppression of woman—prescription.

女性應該和男性一樣；kw1

讀不懂這一段，靠下一段來理解又何妨~

para 3：

Consider—I address you as a legislator—

whether, when men contend for their freedom, and

to be allowed to judge for themselves respecting their

own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to

subjugate women, even though you firmly believe

that you are acting in the manner best calculated to

promote their happiness? Who made man the

exclusive judge, if woman partake with him the gift

of reason?

女性應該和男性一樣；kw2

para 4:

In this style, argue tyrants of every

denomination, from the weak king to the weak

father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason;

yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to be

useful. Do you not act a similar part, when you force

all women, by denying them civil and political rights,

to remain immured in their families groping in

the dark?

不給女性教育權跟之前的暴君有什么區(qū)別？

題型解析：

35

reason

sanity

40

line1?c.f. line?86

異中取同找讓步

背景拓展：

Talleyrand

Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord?(/?t?l?r?nd??p?r?ɡ??r/?2 February 1754 – 17 May 1838),?1st Prince of Benevento, then?1st Duke of Talleyrand, was a French politician and diplomat. After theology studies, he became Agent-General of the Clergy in 1780 and represented the?Catholic Church?to the French Crown. He worked at the highest levels of successive French governments, most commonly as foreign minister or in some other diplomatic capacity. His career spanned the regimes of?Louis XVI, the years of the?French Revolution,?Napoleon,?Louis XVIII, and?Louis-Philippe. Those he served often distrusted Talleyrand but, like Napoleon, found him extremely useful. The name "Talleyrand" has become a byword for crafty, cynical diplomacy.

夏爾·莫里斯·德塔列朗-佩里戈爾，法國資產(chǎn)階級革命時期著名外交家，為法國資本主義革命的鞏固做出了極大貢獻。從18世紀末到19世紀30年代，曾在連續(xù)6屆法國政府中，擔任了外交部長、外交大臣，甚至總理大臣的職務。

但是他絕對沒有那么簡單！

從貴族陣營里分化出來的塔列朗，并不是一個真正的資產(chǎn)階級革命者。他雖然也受過伏爾泰和盧梭的思想教育，但并不是他們的忠實信徒。他熱愛、向往奢侈豪華的貴族生活，而對當時比貴族“粗俗”的資產(chǎn)階級的衣著談吐和生活方式，都深深厭惡和鄙視。但是他理智地預見到資產(chǎn)階級是在上升的，勢不可當?shù)牧α?，必然會取得勝利而封建專制制度卻如同風中殘燭，將是一去不復返了。為了追求榮華富貴，他只有投靠那唯一能給他以可靠的官階和金錢的資產(chǎn)階級。

塔列朗離開了自己出身的貴族階級，在資產(chǎn)階級與封建殘余勢力浴血苦戰(zhàn)的這幾十年里，盡力為資產(chǎn)階級服務。他幫助加強了資產(chǎn)階級在教會中的地位，革新了外交工作，并為厲屆政府制訂有利的外交政策貢獻了自己的才智。特別是在維也納會議上，他為法國的領土完整并恢復法國的強國地位進行了頑強而有效的斗爭。當然，他所取得的外交成就，主要是由于當時的國際條件造成的。但他充分施展了個人的才能，深謀遠慮，手段靈活地利用各大國之間的矛盾和談判對手的細微疏忽來達到有利于法國的目的，這還是應該肯定的。

塔列朗在其一生中，最為人們所不齒的是他的連續(xù)背叛。在法國當時政治風云變幻莫測的幾十年里，許多著名政治家都上了斷頭臺或者被迫流亡國外，而塔列朗每次都能逢兇化吉，除了短期流亡和下臺外，總是能青云直上，永保高官厚祿，最后以84歲高齡，在自己華麗宮殿的病榻上壽終正寢。這種超人的政客手腕，不能不使人感到驚訝而又憤憤不平。

他總是在他的主子行將垮臺之際暗中把笑臉轉向未來的勝利者。他從路易十六轉向共和國，從共和國轉向督政府，又轉向執(zhí)政拿破侖，再從拿破侖轉向復辟的波旁，最后從波旁又轉向路易·菲力浦，這些彎曲的路都走通了。難怪有人說他整個一生“都在出賣那些收買了他的人”。

但是，塔列朗在自己的遺囑中卻說：回顧我的一生，我發(fā)現(xiàn)，對任何一個黨派，在它自暴自棄之前，我從未背棄過它。這雖然是他為自己的辯護之詞，卻也不是完全沒有一點道理的。表面上看來，他確實背叛了每一個他為之服務過的政權，但是，他并不是無原則地隨心所欲地朝秦暮楚：他的每次轉向都同當時最大的歷史事件有關；而且在實質(zhì)上，他從未背叛過剛剛鞏固了勝利的資產(chǎn)階級。就連他在1814年叛變到復辟的波旁王朝方面時，也還是千方百計地企圖保留資產(chǎn)階級的政策。

法國當時那么頻繁的政權易手，恰恰是法國資產(chǎn)階級取得勝利、鞏固勝利的必經(jīng)階段。因此，塔列朗連續(xù)為6屆政府服務，總的來說，只不過是順應了不可抗拒的歷史潮流。問題在于：他在每一次拋棄前一個政權、倒向后一個政權時，幾乎總是使用暗中叛變的兩面派手法，而不是采取光明正大、公開自己觀點的方式。尤其應當指出的是，他為了打倒拿破侖，甚至不惜私通敵國，接受金錢，出賣國家機密，這種卑劣的政治品質(zhì)和手段，將永遠受到正直的人們的譴責。

Today, when speaking of the art of diplomacy, the phrase "he is a Talleyrand" is used to describe a statesman of great resourcefulness and craft.

Wollstonecraft

瑪麗·沃斯通克拉夫特（1759－1797），英國啟蒙時代著名的女性政論家、哲學家、作家與思想家，更是西方女權主義思想史上的先驅。在她短暫的寫作生涯中，她寫就了《女教論》、《瑪麗：一篇小說》、《真實生活的原創(chuàng)故事》、《人權辯護》、《女權辯護》、《瑞典、挪威和丹麥短居書簡》、《瑪麗亞：女人的受罪》等作品。

《女權辯護：關于政治和道德問題的批評》（1792年）是沃斯通克拉夫特最知名的作品；在這本書里，她提出：女性并非天生地低賤于男性，只有當她們?nèi)狈ψ銐虻慕逃龝r才會顯露出這一點。她認為男性和女性都應被視為有理性的生命，并還繼而設想了建立基于理性之上的社會秩序。在現(xiàn)今，沃斯通克拉夫特被視作是女權主義哲學家的鼻祖之一，而女權主義者們也經(jīng)常會提到她的生活與作品。

Mary Wollstonecraft?(/?w?lst?nkr?ft/,?alsoUK:?/-krɑ?ft/; 27 April 1759?– 10 September 1797) was an English writer, philosopher, and advocate of women's rights. Until the late 20th century, Wollstonecraft's life, which encompassed several unconventional personal relationships at the time, received more attention than her writing. Today Wollstonecraft is regarded as one of the founding feminist philosophers, and feminists often cite both her life and her works as important influences.

During her brief career, she wrote novels, treatises, a travel narrative, a history of the French Revolution, a conduct book, and a children's book. Wollstonecraft is best known for?A Vindication of the Rights of Woman?(1792), in which she argues that women are not naturally inferior to men, but appear to be only because they lack education. She suggests that both men and women should be treated as rational beings and imagines a social order founded on reason.

After Wollstonecraft's death, her widower published a?Memoir?(1798) of her life, revealing her unorthodox lifestyle, which inadvertently destroyed her reputation for almost a century. However, with the emergence of the feminist movement at the turn of the twentieth century, Wollstonecraft's advocacy of women's equality and critiques of conventional femininity became increasingly important.

After two ill-fated affairs, with Henry Fuseli and Gilbert Imlay (by whom she had a daughter, Fanny Imlay), Wollstonecraft married the philosopher William Godwin, one of the forefathers of the anarchist movement. Wollstonecraft died at the age of 38 leaving behind several unfinished manuscripts. She died eleven days after giving birth to her second daughter, Mary Shelley, who would become an accomplished writer and author of?Frankenstein.?

誰能想到，她就是Mary Shelley的媽媽呢？

正當這個“離經(jīng)叛道”的女人連同她的作品和主張被越來越多的人關注之時，瑪麗的人生經(jīng)歷了極富戲劇性的變化——后人稱之為“先驅的自我偏離”，而且正是這種偏離，曾一度損害了她作為女權主義先驅的聲譽，動搖了她在女權主義運動史上的地位。

...

1798年1月，沃爾斯通克拉夫特的丈夫威廉姆·葛得漢的《女權辯護作者傳》追憶了她反傳統(tǒng)的一生，這也是對瑪麗·沃爾斯通克拉夫特最早的批評研究。不幸的是該文不僅沒有提升她的聲譽，反而令她身后的一個多世紀聲名狼藉。許多讀者為書中的內(nèi)容感到震驚：她不受婚姻制度束縛的愛戀、她的私生女、她曾經(jīng)自殺的企圖和傳統(tǒng)信仰的喪失等。盡管《女權辯護》在1844年曾被再次發(fā)行，卻影響甚微。之后，沃爾斯通克拉夫特的作品不再被印刷，直到19世紀80年代才有她的第二部傳記出版。研究沃爾斯通克拉夫特的學者維吉尼亞·薩皮羅（Virginia Sapiro）指出在十九世紀沃爾斯通克拉夫特的書幾乎無人問津，因為攻擊她的評論家或是暗示或是直接聲稱“只有不自重的女人才會讀她的書”。

浪漫主義詩人羅伯特·騷塞譴責戈德溫“享受著把他死去的妻子剝個精光的快感”。在戈德溫的回憶錄中，沃斯通克拉夫特被描述成一個深陷感性之中而需要用他的理性來平衡的人；此外，與她個人的作品相比，戈德溫還夸大了她在宗教上的懷疑主義。戈德溫對沃斯通克拉夫特的描述影響了整個十九世紀對她的看法。

沃斯通克拉夫特的聲譽被丈夫的一本回憶錄毀壞了長達一個世紀之久。直到20世紀初，隨著女權運動的興起，沃斯通克拉夫特因她對婦女平等權益的倡導和她對傳統(tǒng)女性價值觀的批判，才逐漸受到評論界的重視。

隨著20世紀60年代到70年代女性主義文學批評的興起，對沃爾斯通克拉夫特作品的研究才出現(xiàn)了高潮。僅在20世紀70年代前期，相繼就有六部沃爾斯通克拉夫特的傳記出版印刷，此時她被看作是個自相矛盾而又令人好奇的人物。

在現(xiàn)代，批評界更注重通過閱讀她的傳記，分析她的女性身份定義以及她的作品對現(xiàn)代女性的地位和身份尋求的影響。