上一系列

? ? ? ? ? 這次翻譯的是大衛(wèi)·C·尼科爾學(xué)者的《THE FOURTH CRUSADE 1202–04：The Betrayal of Byzantium》。David C. Nicolle（生于 1944 年 4 月 4 日）是一位英國歷史學(xué)家，專門研究中世紀(jì)的軍事史，對中東特別感興趣。David Nicolle 在倫敦大學(xué) SOAS獲得碩士學(xué)位之前，曾在BBC Arabic工作。他于 1982 年在愛丁堡大學(xué)獲得博士學(xué)位。他的博士學(xué)位的題目是古典伊斯蘭教的軍事技術(shù)。他在約旦耶爾穆克大學(xué)講授世界和伊斯蘭藝術(shù)與建筑。他也是中世紀(jì)歷史雜志的編輯委員會成員。

ORIGINS OF THE CAMPAIGN

征伐的起源

If the crusades have become controversial, the Fourth Crusade always was so. Until modern times the idea of Christians and Muslims slaughtering each other in the name of religion seemed almost acceptable, but the idea of Latin Catholic Crusaders turning against fellow Christians of the Orthodox Church shocked many people, even at the time, and came to be described as ‘The Great Betrayal’. It was even blamed for so undermining the Greek-speaking Byzantine state that this relic of the ancient Roman Empire succumbed to the Ottoman Turks. In reality the Fourth Crusade was not that straightforward; nor was its aftermath inevitable.

? ? ? ? ? 如果說十字軍東征已經(jīng)引起了爭議，那么第四次十字軍東征始終如此。 直到現(xiàn)代，基督徒和穆斯林以宗教的名義互相can sha（漢語拼音）的想法似乎幾乎可以接受，但拉丁天主教十字軍轉(zhuǎn)而對付東正教ji du tu（漢語拼音）同胞的想法震驚了許多人，甚至在當(dāng)時也震驚了許多人，并開始被描述為“大背叛”。 它甚至被指責(zé)如此破壞講希臘語的拜占庭國家，使這個古羅馬帝國的遺跡屈服于奧斯曼土耳其人。 實際上，第四次十字軍東征并不那么簡單。 它的后果也不是不可避免的。

The Fourth Crusade was a consequence of the deeply disappointing though gratifyingly heroic Third Crusade, which had failed to regain the Holy City of Jerusalem from Saladin. On 8 January 1198 a new pope, the hugely ambitious Innocent III, took the reins of power in Rome. In August he proclaimed a new crusade, the declared purpose of which was to liberate Jerusalem from the ‘infidel’ by invading Egypt, the chief centre of Muslim power in the eastern Mediterranean. It was also the most important sultanate in the Ayyubid Empire founded by Saladin. Those who dreamed of destroying the Islamic Middle East had now recognized that Egypt was the key, but if their strategy was correct then their planning was not. The realities of power, money, climate and the availability of food to sustain a crusading army would cause the greater part of the Fourth Crusade to be diverted against fellow Christians. Its first victim would be the largely Latin city of Zadar (then called Zara); the second would be Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire and the biggest, wealthiest and most cultured city in Christendom.

? ? ? ? ? 第四次十字軍東征是第三次十字軍東征的結(jié)果，雖然第三次十字軍東征的英勇表現(xiàn)令人欣慰，但它未能從薩拉丁手中奪回圣城耶路撒冷，這令人深感失望。1198年1月8日，一位新教皇，雄心勃勃的英諾森三世，在羅馬掌權(quán)了。8月，他宣布了新的十字軍東征計劃，其宣稱其目的是通過入侵埃及從 "異教徒"手中解放耶路撒冷，埃及是穆斯林在東地中海的主要權(quán)力中心。它也是薩拉丁建立的阿尤布帝國中最重要的蘇丹國。那些夢想摧毀伊斯蘭中東的人現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)認(rèn)識到埃及是關(guān)鍵，但如果他們的戰(zhàn)略是正確的，那么他們的計劃就不正確了。權(quán)力、金錢、氣候和維持十字軍的食物供應(yīng)等現(xiàn)實問題將導(dǎo)致第四次十字軍東征的大部分時間被轉(zhuǎn)用于對付基督教徒。它的第一個受害者是主要由拉丁人組成的城市扎達(dá)爾（當(dāng)時叫扎拉）；第二個受害者是君士坦丁堡，拜占庭帝國的首都，基督教世界中最大、最富有和最有文化的城市。

BYZANTIUM AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

拜占庭及其鄰居

Relations Between the Orthodox Byzantine Empire and its Latin neighbours had been close but complex for centuries. However, the differences that seem obvious today were not necessarily seen that way at the time. Nor was the Byzantine Empire necessarily a declining power in need of Western help. Under the 12th-century Comnenid dynasty Byzantium appeared a powerful state bent on regaining territory from its Muslim eastern neighbours and from its Christian neighbours in the Balkans, Italy and even central Europe. Meanwhile, in Western Europe a remarkable economic revolution had already started more than a century earlier, yet it was still somewhat backward, warlike and aggressive. One area where Western superiority was already established was at sea, most of the Mediterranean now being dominated by Italian sailors and merchants. Amalfi had been first on the scene and its people had their own distinct quarter in Constantinople, where the Greeks regarded these Amalfitans as being almost as civilized as themselves. Following close behind, and already more powerful than Amalfi, were the merchant republics of Pisa, Genoa and Venice. The former two had a reputation for ferocity, often directed against each other, while the Venetians were theoretically still subjects of the Byzantine Empire, and would remain so until 1204.

? ? ? ? ? 幾個世紀(jì)以來，東正教拜占庭帝國與其拉丁鄰國之間的關(guān)系密切而復(fù)雜。然而，今天看起來很明顯的差異在當(dāng)時并不一定是這樣的。拜占庭帝國也不一定是一個需要西方幫助的衰落大國。在 12 世紀(jì)的康涅狄格王朝時期，拜占庭是一個強大的國家，它一心想要從其東部穆斯林鄰國和巴爾干半島、意大利甚至中歐的基督教鄰國手中奪回領(lǐng)土。與此同時，在西歐，一場引人注目的經(jīng)濟革命早在一個多世紀(jì)前就已經(jīng)開始了，但它仍然有些落后，極具好戰(zhàn)和侵略性。西方優(yōu)勢已經(jīng)確立的一個領(lǐng)域是海上，地中海的大部分地區(qū)現(xiàn)在被意大利水手和商人所控制。阿馬爾菲首先出現(xiàn)，其人民在君士坦丁堡擁有自己獨特的區(qū)域，希臘人認(rèn)為這些阿馬爾菲人擁有幾乎和他們自己一樣的文明。緊隨其后，比阿馬爾菲更強大的是比薩、熱那亞和威尼斯的商業(yè)共和國。前兩者以兇猛著稱，經(jīng)?；ハ喙簦崴谷嗽诶碚撋先匀皇前菡纪サ蹏某济瘢钡?1204 年也是如此。

Most crusades to the Middle East already relied upon naval power. However, the Fourth Crusade was an entirely maritime expedition, which cannot be understood without some appreciation of early 13th-century Mediterranean nautical knowledge. This was more advanced than is generally realized, the sailors possessing geographical knowledge that would not be written down for centuries. For example, there is strong evidence that simple forms of portolano coastal maps were used at a time when the famous medieval mappe mundi made by monks offered fanciful and entirely useless images of the known world. It is thus highly unlikely that popes and other rulers failed to use such information when planning major military expeditions overseas. On the other hand the merchants, sailors and governments involved in supposedly illegal trade with Islamic powers preferred to remain discreet.

? ? ? ? ? 大多數(shù)前往中東的十字軍已經(jīng)開始依靠海軍力量。 然而，第四次十字軍東征完全是一次海上遠(yuǎn)征，如果不了解 13 世紀(jì)早期的地中海航海知識，就無法理解這一點。 這比人們普遍認(rèn)為的要先進，水手們掌握的地理知識是幾個世紀(jì)都不會被記錄下來的。 例如，有強有力的證據(jù)表明，當(dāng)時使用的是簡單形式的Portolano沿海地圖，而由僧侶制作的著名的中世紀(jì)mappe mundi提供的是幻想的、完全無用的已知世界的圖像。 因此，教皇和其他統(tǒng)治者在計劃海外重大軍事遠(yuǎn)征時極不可能沒有使用這些信息。 另一方面，參與與伊斯蘭國家進行所謂的非法貿(mào)易的商人、水手和政府更愿意保持謹(jǐn)慎。

In contrast there was an extraordinary amount of misinformation in Western Europe that exaggerated, though did not entirely invent, the friendly relations Between later 12th-century Byzantine emperors and Saladin or his successors. To this were added lurid stories about the supposed weakness, effeminacy and corruption of the ‘Greeks’, which reflected the undoubtedly sophisticated and often unwarlike character of the Byzantine ruling elite.

? ? ? ? ? 相比之下，西歐存在大量錯誤信息，雖然并未完全捏造，但夸大了 12 世紀(jì)后期拜占庭皇帝與薩拉丁或其繼任者之間的友好關(guān)系。 除此之外，還有一些關(guān)于 "希臘人 "的所謂弱點、娘娘腔和腐敗的淫穢故事，這些故事反映了拜占庭統(tǒng)治精英們無疑是老練的，而且往往是不善于作戰(zhàn)的性格。

Alongside these negative images of Byzantium there was a dream of Latin– Byzantine cooperation against the ‘infidel’, which had existed for centuries. The ideal appeared in a later 12th-century version in chansons de geste epic poems such as Girart de Roussillon, although here Constantinople is a distant and strange place. Another manifestation is found in the 13th-century Chanson du Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, which was probably based upon a lost 12th-century or late 11th-century original. Constantinople is again portrayed as an almost magical city, perhaps reflecting fear of Byzantine technology and science.

? ? ? ? ? 除了這些拜占庭的負(fù)面形象之外，還有一個存在了幾個世紀(jì)的拉丁語-拜占庭合作對抗 "異教徒 "的夢想。這個理想在12世紀(jì)后期出現(xiàn)在Chansons de geste史詩中，如Girart de Roussillon，盡管在這里君士坦丁堡是一個遙遠(yuǎn)而陌生的地方。另一種表現(xiàn)形式出現(xiàn)在13世紀(jì)的《查理曼的香頌》中，它可能是基于12世紀(jì)或11世紀(jì)晚期失傳的原作。君士坦丁堡再次被描繪成一個幾乎神奇的城市，也許反映了對拜占庭技術(shù)和科學(xué)的恐懼。

A period of relative peace and stability had followed Saladin’s death in 1193, with both the rump Kingdom of Jerusalem and Saladin’s Ayyubid successors seemingly convinced that little was to be gained from further warfare. Early in 1200, however, the political and military situation changed dramatically when Saladin’s younger brother al- ‘Adil Sayf al-Din (‘Saphadin’ to the Crusaders), who already ruled Damascus, Jerusalem and parts of the Jazira (Mesopotamia), also took control of Egypt. As a result, he was generally, if not universally, recognized as head of the ‘Ayyubid Empire’. Al- ‘Adil’s position was confirmed when, two years later, he was also recognized as overlord in Aleppo. For the first time in nine years Saladin’s realm was reunited and again virtually surrounded what remained of the Crusader states.

? ? ? ? ? 薩拉丁于 1193 年去世后，一段相對和平與穩(wěn)定的時期出現(xiàn)了，耶路撒冷的殘余王國和薩拉丁的阿尤布德繼承者似乎都相信，進一步的戰(zhàn)爭收效甚微。 然而，在 1200 年初，政治和軍事局勢發(fā)生了巨大變化，當(dāng)時薩拉丁的弟弟阿迪爾·賽義夫·阿爾?。ㄊ周姷摹八_帕丁”）已經(jīng)統(tǒng)治了大馬士革、耶路撒冷和賈濟拉（美索不達(dá)米亞）的部分地區(qū)。 他也控制了埃及。因此，他被普遍承認(rèn)為 "阿尤布帝國 "的首領(lǐng)，如果不是普遍的話。阿迪勒的地位得到了確認(rèn)，兩年后，他也被承認(rèn)為阿勒頗的霸主。九年來，薩拉丁的王國第一次重新統(tǒng)一起來，并再次幾乎包圍了十字軍國家的剩余部分。

Another significant player in this region was the Saljuq Turkish Sultanate of Rum (Rome), which was how Arabs, Turks and Persians knew the ‘Late Roman’ or Byzantine Empire. Unfortunately, there is still a great deal of uncertainty about quite where the frontier zone lay Between the Byzantine Empire and the Saljuq Sultanate of Rum around the time of the Fourth Crusade. For example, Lycia in south-western Anatolia had been a sort of no man’s land since the late 11th century. Meanwhile, the Saljuq Sultanate itself was going through a period of profound cultural, economic and military change, with many Saljuq Turkish cities being characterized by a thriving multicultural civilization incorporating Turkish, Greek and Armenian, Muslim and Christian elements. The overall impression of cultural coexistence also undermines the clarity of a supposed cultural frontier Between Byzantium and the Turks.

? ? ? ? ? 這個地區(qū)的另一個重要角色是魯姆（羅馬）的薩爾朱克土耳其蘇丹國，這就是阿拉伯人、土耳其人和波斯人對 "晚期羅馬 "或拜占庭帝國的認(rèn)識。遺憾的是，在第四次十字軍東征前后，拜占庭帝國和魯姆的薩爾朱克蘇丹國之間的邊界地帶仍有很大的不確定性。例如，安納托利亞西南部的利西亞自11世紀(jì)末以來一直是一種無人區(qū)。同時，薩爾朱克蘇丹國本身正在經(jīng)歷一個深刻的文化、經(jīng)濟和軍事變革時期，許多薩爾朱克土耳其城市的特點是融合了土耳其、希臘和亞美尼亞、穆斯林和基督教元素的繁榮的多文化文明。文化共存的總體印象也破壞了拜占庭和土耳其人之間所謂的文化邊界的明確性。

Political tensions within the Saljuq Sultanate of Rum resulted from Sultan Qilij Arslan II dividing his realm into iqtas (fiefs) for his eight sons in accordance with Saljuq tradition. After his death in 1192, the Sultanate suffered from a long civil war caused by Rukn al-Din Sulayman II Ibn Qilij Arslan stripping his brothers of their domains. One of the latter was Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw, who took refuge in Constantinople where he married a woman from a powerful Byzantine family.

? ? ? ? 魯姆蘇丹國的政治緊張局勢是由于蘇丹齊里吉-阿爾斯蘭二世按照蘇丹的傳統(tǒng)將他的領(lǐng)地劃分為八個兒子的iqtas（封地）。1192年他去世后，蘇丹國遭受了長期的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，原因是魯克恩-丁-蘇萊曼二世-伊本-齊里吉-阿爾斯蘭剝奪了他兄弟的領(lǐng)地。后者之一是Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw，他在君士坦丁堡避難，在那里他娶了一個來自拜占庭強大家族的女人。

The situation was similarly complex in Europe where, for example, rivalry Between the Italian maritime republics had been fierce for centuries. Yet any successful crusade to the Middle East would depend upon support from at least one of them. Furthermore, their rivalry concerned their relationships with the Byzantine Empire. Genoa and Pisa were often at war during this period, but Byzantium gave trading privileges to both in an attempt to avoid a Venetian preponderance in Byzantine trade. The Fourth Crusade would, in fact, see Pisan and Genoese residents of Constantinople fighting alongside their Byzantine neighbours in defence of the city against Venetians and Crusaders.

? ? ? ? ? 歐洲的情況也同樣復(fù)雜，例如，幾個世紀(jì)以來，意大利各海上共和國之間的競爭一直很激烈。然而，對中東的任何成功的十字軍東征都將取決于其中至少一個國家的支持。此外，他們的競爭關(guān)系到他們與拜占庭帝國的關(guān)系。熱那亞和比薩在這一時期經(jīng)常交戰(zhàn)，但拜占庭給了這兩個國家貿(mào)易特權(quán)，試圖避免威尼斯人在拜占庭貿(mào)易中占優(yōu)勢。事實上，在第四次十字軍東征中，君士坦丁堡的皮薩和熱那亞居民與他們的拜占庭鄰居并肩作戰(zhàn)，保衛(wèi)城市，對抗威尼斯人和十字軍。

Another significant power within Italy was, of course, the papacy itself. Pope Innocent III has been described as one of the great figures in papal history. He was certainly one of the most ambitious popes, though in the end his wide-ranging plans often came to nothing or even proved counterproductive. Innocent III’s dream of a great new crusade certainly backfired.

? ? ? ? ? 意大利國內(nèi)的另一個重要力量當(dāng)然是教皇制度本身。教皇英諾森三世被描述為教皇歷史上的偉大人物之一。他當(dāng)然是最有野心的教皇之一，盡管最后他的廣泛計劃往往一無所獲，甚至被證明是適得其反。英諾森三世的偉大的新十字軍東征夢想當(dāng)然會適得其反。

? ? ? ? ? 1198年和1199年，福爾克-德-諾伊伊在宣揚這次新的遠(yuǎn)征中被賦予了一個領(lǐng)導(dǎo)角色。不幸的是，福爾克如此癡迷于 "道德上的正直"，以至于他得罪了幾個需要作為潛在領(lǐng)導(dǎo)者的統(tǒng)治者和有權(quán)勢的貴族，包括英格蘭國王理查德一世。此外，福爾克缺乏策略，破壞了他調(diào)和爭吵不休（但在軍事上很重要）的英格蘭和法國王國的努力。教皇不可能控制自己的十字軍傳教士，這無疑導(dǎo)致了混亂。這是否導(dǎo)致最終的遠(yuǎn)征缺乏主要目標(biāo)，我們無從得知。

未完待續(xù)！