教廷角色的變化

? ? ? ? ? 君士坦丁將君士坦丁堡設(shè)為新首都，并在四世紀(jì)皈依了基督教，同時(shí)將羅馬帝國(guó)分為西半部和東半部，這為后來拜占庭教會(huì)和羅馬教會(huì)的最終分離奠定基礎(chǔ)。自羅馬帝國(guó)后期的四帝共治以來，東方帝國(guó)對(duì)西方帝國(guó)就擁有許多優(yōu)勢(shì)。東部的邊境更容易防守，它的城市更大，人口更多，城市文化更古老、更安全，經(jīng)濟(jì)更穩(wěn)固和繁榮。這些因素不僅確保了在西半部落入野蠻人之手時(shí)東方帝國(guó)的延續(xù)性，也解釋了東方帝王在教會(huì)中掌握的實(shí)際權(quán)力的連續(xù)性。對(duì)于君士坦丁和他的繼任者來說，教會(huì)相當(dāng)于一個(gè)“國(guó)家的部門”。君士坦丁召集的第一次尼西亞會(huì)議開創(chuàng)了東方皇帝干預(yù)神學(xué)辯論并對(duì)教會(huì)教義進(jìn)行立法的先例。

When the emperor Constantine converted to Christianity in the fourth century and created his new capital at Constantinople, the political separation that divided the western and eastern halves of the Roman Empire would lay the ground for the eventual separation of what would become the Byzantine Church and the Roman Church. Since the period of the late Roman tetrachy, the Eastern Empire held many advantages over the West. The eastern frontier was easier to defend, its cities larger and far more populous, its urban culture older and more secure, and its economy more solid and prosperous. These factors not only ensured the continuity of the Eastern Empire when the western half fell to the barbarians. They also explain the continuity in the real power that the Eastern emperors wielded in the church. For Constantine and his successors, the church was comparable to a “department of state” (Kagan et al., 142). Constantine’s convocation of the First Council of Nicaea established the precedent by which Eastern emperors intervened in theological debates and legislated church doctrine.

? ? ? ? ??相比之下，西方皇帝權(quán)力的下降導(dǎo)致了羅馬主教在結(jié)構(gòu)上獨(dú)立于帝國(guó)權(quán)力。為了對(duì)抗君士坦丁堡教會(huì)的影響力及其對(duì)羅馬教廷的平等要求，羅馬主教開始正式宣稱他們對(duì)東方教長(zhǎng)的首要地位。為爭(zhēng)奪首要地位而進(jìn)行的政治角逐，加上其他教義、禮儀和語言上的分歧，最終導(dǎo)致了1054年拜占庭教會(huì)和天主教教會(huì)之間的大分裂。

By contrast, the decline in the power of the Western emperors resulted in the structural independence of the bishops of Rome from imperial power. To counter the weight of the church at Constantinople and its claims of parity with the See of Rome, the bishops of Rome began formally to assert their primacy over the Eastern patriarchs. The political jockeying for primacy, together with other doctrinal, liturgical, and linguistic differences, would culminate in the Great Schism between the Byzantine and the Catholic Churches in 1054.

教皇的王國(guó)之鑰

? ? ? ? ? 正如《新約》中所證實(shí)的那樣，羅馬教會(huì)只是在整個(gè)地中海和小亞細(xì)亞地區(qū)建立的眾多教會(huì)中的一個(gè)。使徒彼得領(lǐng)導(dǎo)羅馬教會(huì)并在那里殉教的事實(shí)，賦予了這個(gè)教會(huì)以其他教會(huì)所承認(rèn)的神話般的魅力，畢竟，福音書清楚地證明了基督本人賦予彼得的權(quán)威。在《馬太福音》的一個(gè)關(guān)鍵段落中，基督給了彼得天國(guó)的鑰匙，有權(quán)控制誰能或誰不能進(jìn)入天堂的救贖之門?！拔乙嬖V你，你是彼得，我要把我的教會(huì)建立在這磐石上[彼得的意思是“磐石”]，地獄的門也不能勝過它。我要把天國(guó)的鑰匙交給你，你在地上所捆綁的，在天上也要捆綁”（太16：18-19）。因此，羅馬的主教們可以合法地聲稱自己是圣彼得的繼承人。然而，從這一點(diǎn)來看，并不意味著羅馬教會(huì)應(yīng)該擁有高于其他教會(huì)的地位。但這正是羅馬的主教們?cè)诘谒氖兰o(jì)末開始宣稱的觀點(diǎn)。大約在這個(gè)時(shí)候，羅馬的主教們，也被稱為圣彼得的代理人，也開始自稱“教皇”（papa），以進(jìn)一步區(qū)別于東方的牧首。

As the New Testament confirms, the Church of Rome was but one of the multiple churches that had been established throughout the Mediterranean and Asia Minor. The fact that the apostle Peter had led the Church of Rome and been martyred there endowed this church with a mythic cachet that the other churches acknowledged. After all, the Gospels clearly attested to the authority that Christ himself conferred upon Peter. In a critical passage from the gospel of Matthew, Christ gave Peter the keys to the kingdom of heaven, the right to control who could or who could not enter through the heavenly portals to salvation: “And I say to you that you are Peter, and upon this rock [Peter means “rock”] I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven” (Mt. 16:18–19). The bishops of Rome could thus legitimately claim to be the successors of Saint Peter. Yet from this it does not necessarily follow that the Roman Church should have primacy over the other churches. This, however, is what the bishops of Rome began to claim toward the end of the fourth century. Around this time the bishops of Rome, also known by the title of the Vicar of Saint Peter, also began to call themselves “pope” (papa) in order to distinguish themselves further from the Eastern patriarchs.

? ? ? ? ? 381年，皇帝狄奧多西一世召集了第一次君士坦丁堡會(huì)議，以完善和重申《尼西亞信條》作為教會(huì)的官方教義，反對(duì)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)性的非三位一體教派。會(huì)議的第三條教規(guī)引起了爭(zhēng)議，它宣布由于君士坦丁堡是新羅馬，君士坦丁堡的主教應(yīng)該在羅馬的主教之后受到尊敬。這種爭(zhēng)議在于改變了古代教會(huì)所遵循的順序，即認(rèn)為亞歷山大和安提阿教會(huì)的地位僅次于羅馬教會(huì)。因此，羅馬主教達(dá)瑪穌一世（366-384）拒絕接受這條教規(guī)的有效性，理由是羅馬教廷作為圣彼得的繼承人，擁有獨(dú)特的使徒優(yōu)先權(quán)。這種情況在451年迦克墩公會(huì)議（加采東大公會(huì)議或卡爾西頓會(huì)議）期間達(dá)到了頂峰，該會(huì)議給予羅馬和君士坦丁堡“平等的特權(quán)”（isa presbeia），后者作為“新羅馬”的身份。召開會(huì)議時(shí)的羅馬主教是利奧一世（440-461），他是打擊異端的不懈努力者，也是彼得至上主義的倡導(dǎo)者。

In 381 Emperor Theodosius I convoked the First Council of Constantinople to refine and reaffirm the Nicene Creed as official church doctrine against competing non-Trinitarian sects. The third of the council’s canons aroused controversy by declaring that as Constantinople was the New Rome, the bishop of Constantinople should be honored after the bishop of Rome. The controversy lay in the alteration in the order followed in the ancient church, which held that the Churches of Alexandria and Antioch were next in rank to the Church of Rome. Accordingly, the bishop of Rome, Damasus I (366–384), refused to accept the validity of this canon on the basis that the See of Rome had a unique apostolic primacy based on its singular claim as the heir of Saint Peter. The situation came to a head in 451 during the Council of Chalcedon, which granted “equal privileges” (isa presbeia) to Rome and Constantinople, the latter in its capacity as the “New Rome.” The bishop of Rome at the time of the council was Leo I the Great (440–461), a tireless worker in the efforts to combat heterodoxy and promoter of the doctrine of Petrine supremacy.

? ? ? ? ? 迦克墩公會(huì)議后，利奧向西羅馬皇帝瓦倫丁尼安三世（瓦倫提尼安三世，425-455）上訴，要求頒布一項(xiàng)日期為445年的帝國(guó)法令，承認(rèn)羅馬主教基于圣彼得的功績(jī)而享有的首要地位。由此產(chǎn)生的彼得至上學(xué)說承認(rèn)其他教會(huì)對(duì)其管轄范圍的權(quán)威，但斷言只有羅馬統(tǒng)治整個(gè)教會(huì)，只有教皇的法令才具有教義上的權(quán)威。作為其至高無上地位的進(jìn)一步標(biāo)志，利奧采用了pontifex maximus的稱號(hào)，其字面意思是“最高的橋梁制造者”，但通常被翻譯為 “最高教皇”。因此，利奧一世被教會(huì)認(rèn)為是第一位真正的普世教皇。

After the Council of Chalcedon Leo appealed to the Western Roman emperor Valentinian III (r. 425–455) for an imperial decree, dated 445, which recognized the primacy of the bishop of Rome based on the merits of Saint Peter. The resultant doctrine of Petrine supremacy acknowledged the authority of the other churches over their own jurisdictions but asserted that only Rome ruled over the entire church and that only the pope’s edicts would have doctrinal authority. As a further sign of his supreme status, Leo adopted the title pontifex maximus, the literal meaning of which is “supreme bridge maker” but is usually translated as “Supreme Pontiff.” As such, Leo I is regarded by the church as the first truly universal pope.

? ? ? ? ?教皇哲拉旭一世（格拉修斯一世，492-496）宣稱的教皇至高無上的地位取代了他的前任，他采取了非同尋常的步驟，將傳統(tǒng)的“圣彼得的代理人”稱號(hào)改為“耶穌基督的代理人”，以示其普遍權(quán)威。從歷史的角度來看，哲拉旭的書信中有一段關(guān)鍵的文字，題為Duo sunt（“兩個(gè)是”），它確立了“兩個(gè)權(quán)力”的原則，第一個(gè)是教皇的神圣權(quán)力（autoritas sacrata pontificum），第二個(gè)是世俗的皇家權(quán)力（regalis potestas）。不用說，哲拉旭認(rèn)為教皇的權(quán)力比王權(quán)更重要，這意味著世俗君主的合法性來自教會(huì)。

The claims of papal supremacy of Pope Gelasius I (492–496) superseded those of his predecessor when he took the extraordinary step of changing the traditional title “Vicar of Saint Peter” to “Vicar of Jesus Christ” to signal his universal authority. Even more extraordinary from the historical point of view was a key passage in Gelasius’s epistle entitled Duo sunt (“Two are”), which established the principle of “two powers,” the first the holy authority of bishops (autoritas sacrata pontificum) and the second the secular royal power (regalis potestas). Needless to say, Gelasius deemed papal authority to be weightier than royal power, meaning that secular monarchs derived their legitimacy from the church.?

教皇制與帝國(guó)制：遺產(chǎn)繼承權(quán)的爭(zhēng)論

? ? ? ? ? 在11世紀(jì)格里高利改革（額我略改革）之前，牧師可以結(jié)婚并公開與妻妾生活。在10世紀(jì)，貴族和貴族婦女任命教皇。豐滿的意大利貴族婦女瑪羅茲亞（約937年）顯然控制了三位教皇。作為教皇色爾爵三世（904-911年）的情婦，當(dāng)他們的兒子被任命為教皇若望十一世（931-935年）時(shí)，她成了另一位母親。然后瑪羅茲亞把他關(guān)進(jìn)監(jiān)獄，把教皇的寶座交給她另一個(gè)兒子。

Before the 11th century Gregorian Reform priests could marry and live openly with concubines. In the 10th century noblemen and noblewomen appointed popes. The voluptuous Italian noblewoman Marozia (d. c. 937) apparently controlled three popes. As the mistress to Pope Sergius III (904–911), she became mother to another when their son was invested as Pope John XI (r. 931–935). Then she had him imprisoned to release the papal throne to her other son, by another father.

? ? ? ? ? 教廷竟然成為一個(gè)反復(fù)無常、野心勃勃的女人的政治野心的棋子，這表明教會(huì)的實(shí)際權(quán)力與《君士坦丁捐贈(zèng)書》所擁護(hù)的崇高地位相比，已經(jīng)衰落到何種程度。《君士坦丁捐贈(zèng)書》是一份偽造的帝國(guó)詔書，可能是在斯德望二世（752-757）擔(dān)任教皇期間寫的，目的是為了維護(hù)教皇的權(quán)威，反對(duì)拜占庭帝國(guó)和法蘭克王國(guó)的統(tǒng)治。該詔書宣布，羅馬皇帝君士坦丁授予教皇西爾維斯特一世（314-335）和羅馬的歷任主教對(duì)羅馬、意大利和整個(gè)西羅馬帝國(guó)的臨時(shí)權(quán)力，而他將保留對(duì)東羅馬帝國(guó)的管理權(quán)。然而，在加洛林王朝時(shí)期，出現(xiàn)了教會(huì)事實(shí)上從屬于世俗權(quán)力的情況。加洛林王朝的人越來越多地依靠教會(huì)人員來為政府配備人員，從而產(chǎn)生了一種通常被稱為“教會(huì)封建化”的情況。有土地的貴族建立了教堂、修道院和修女院，他們讓自己選擇的親戚和朋友作為工作人員，并將其作為自己的私人可繼承財(cái)產(chǎn)來維護(hù)。教會(huì)被迫屈從于這種封建地位，因?yàn)樗枰Ｗo(hù)，以抵御伯爵和其他為爭(zhēng)奪加洛林帝國(guó)的利益而使用暴力的對(duì)立派系。但這種依賴性侵蝕了教會(huì)的道德與靈性。越來越多不合適的貴族平民擔(dān)任了主教職務(wù)，這些世俗的主教無視禁止教士結(jié)婚的規(guī)定，公然娶妻或納妾以保證其財(cái)產(chǎn)的繼承權(quán)。

That the papacy should become a mere pawn in the political ambitions of a capricious and ambitious woman shows just how far the church’s real power had declined from the lofty position espoused by the Donation of Constantine. The Donation of Constantine was a forged Imperial edict, possibly written during the papacy of Stephen II (752–757) in an attempt to assert papal authority over and against the Byzantine Empire and the Frankish kingdoms. The edict proclaimed that the Roman emperor Constantine had granted Pope Sylvester I (314–335) and the successive bishops of Rome temporal power over Rome, Italy, and the entire Western Roman Empire, while he was to retain governance of the Eastern Roman Empire. However, during the Carolingian period the de facto subordination of the church to the secular powers emerged. The Carolingians relied more and more upon ecclesiastical personnel to staff the government, giving rise to a situation often called the “feudalization of the church.” Landed aristocrats established churches, monasteries, and convents, which they staffed with relatives and friends of their choice and maintained as their own private inheritable property. The church was forced to submit to this feudal status because it needed protection against the quarreling factions of counts and others who employed violence in their quest for a piece of the Carolingian empire. But this dependency eroded the morality and spirituality of the church. More and more unsuitable aristocratic laypersons assumed bishoprics, and these worldly bishops ignored the rules against clerical marriage and took wives or concubines to guarantee the inheritance of their properties.

? ? ? ? ? 繼承了這種局面的神圣羅馬帝國(guó)皇帝則不愿意放棄他通過任命修道院院長(zhǎng)、主教和教皇而對(duì)教會(huì)行使的權(quán)力。神圣羅馬帝國(guó)在經(jīng)濟(jì)上得益于從凈化儀式、出售教會(huì)職務(wù)中獲得的豐厚收入，并通過確保任命忠于皇帝的教會(huì)人員而在政治上獲益。這種情況對(duì)雄心勃勃的神職人員、主教和僧侶來說也完全不令人討厭，他們的文化水平和優(yōu)越的教育使他們成為世俗政府的重要雇員。正如皇帝有權(quán)任命教皇和神職人員一樣，他們也可以廢黜他們，1046年，亨利三世（R. 1039-56）進(jìn)行干預(yù)，結(jié)束了格里高利六世（額我略六世，1045-46）和即將成為教皇的西爾維斯特三世（1045）之間對(duì)教皇職位的爭(zhēng)奪，皇帝把他們都免職。

For his part the Holy Roman Emperor, who inherited this situation, was not willing to renounce the power that he exercised over the church through the appointment of abbots, bishops, and popes. The Holy Roman Empire profited economically from the lucrative income gained from the practice of simony, the sale of church offices, and benefited politically by ensuring the appointment of ecclesiastical personnel loyal to the emperor. Nor was this situation at all disagreeable to ambitious clergy, bishops, and monks, whose literacy and superior education made them valuable employees in secular governments. And just as the emperors had the power to invest popes and clergy, they could also depose them, as occurred in 1046 when Henry III (r. 1039–56) intervened to put an end to rivalry over the papal office between Gregory VI (1045–46) and the wouldbe pope Silvester III (1045) by having them both removed.

? ? ? ? ? 教會(huì)中并非所有人都對(duì)這種情況感到高興。一位名叫希爾德布蘭德的克呂尼修士曾是格里高利六世的忠實(shí)支持者，并跟隨他流亡到了德國(guó)。希爾德布蘭德后來被選為教皇格里高利七世（1073-85年），他是一位虔誠(chéng)、有力、有紀(jì)律、有道德的教會(huì)人士，致力于將克呂尼改革運(yùn)動(dòng)推廣到整個(gè)教會(huì)：對(duì)教會(huì)進(jìn)行徹底的道德改革，恢復(fù)其對(duì)世俗權(quán)力的獨(dú)立性。一個(gè)世紀(jì)前，在虔誠(chéng)的勃艮第貴族亞奎丹公爵（935-963）的推動(dòng)下，克呂尼運(yùn)動(dòng)開始了，他在克呂尼建立了一座只對(duì)教皇負(fù)責(zé)的修道院。克呂尼安全地橫跨阿爾卑斯山，遠(yuǎn)離了意大利當(dāng)?shù)馗瘮〉慕逃押徒虝?huì)統(tǒng)治者的陰謀。在克呂尼第一任院長(zhǎng)奧多（942年去世）的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，修士們恢復(fù)了圣本篤規(guī)則的嚴(yán)格紀(jì)律，包括齋戒、祈禱和體力勞動(dòng)。

Not everyone in the church was pleased about this situation. A Cluniac monk named Hildebrand had been a loyal supporter of Gregory VI and had followed him into exile to Germany. Hildebrand, who would later be elected Pope Gregory VII (r. 1073–85), was a pious, powerful, disciplined, and moral ecclesiast committed to extending to the whole church the aims of the Cluny Reform movement: a thorough moral reform of the church and the restoration of its independence from the secular powers. The Cluniac movement had begun a century earlier under the impetus of a pious Burgundian noble, Duke William of Aquitaine (935–963), who established a monastery at Cluny that was answerable only to the pope. Cluny was located safely across the Alps and far away from the machinations of corrupt local Italian lay and ecclesiastical rulers. Under the leadership of Odo, the first abbot of Cluny (d. 942), the monks revived the strict discipline of the rule of Saint Benedict, consisting of fasting, prayer, and manual labor.

? ? ? ? ? 作為教皇的忠實(shí)臣民，克呂尼的修士們能夠?qū)⑺麄兊母母飻U(kuò)展到教會(huì)的其他部門。格里高利七世在1075年當(dāng)選教皇后不久，就帶頭進(jìn)行了被稱為“格里高利改革”的全球性教會(huì)改革。在道德改革領(lǐng)域，是格里高利采取了切實(shí)的措施，規(guī)定了教士的獨(dú)身主義，并懲罰或解除了所有犯有通奸罪的教士的職務(wù)。格里高利改革最重要的政治后果是 “一個(gè)羊群，一個(gè)牧羊人，一個(gè)獨(dú)立的教會(huì)”原則的推廣。教會(huì)回想起佩特林至高無上的理論和《君士坦丁捐贈(zèng)書》，認(rèn)為教皇不僅必須是整個(gè)基督教世界的最高權(quán)威，而且羅馬的主教必須獨(dú)立于所有世俗權(quán)力。在實(shí)踐中，這意味著只有教皇必須有權(quán)控制教會(huì)的人事、財(cái)產(chǎn)和權(quán)利，任何世俗統(tǒng)治者都不應(yīng)該在任命教會(huì)職位方面發(fā)揮任何作用。

As loyal subjects to the pope, the Cluniac monks were able to extend their reforms to the rest of the church. Shortly after being elected pope in 1075, Gregory VII spearheaded the global church reform known as the Gregorian Reform. In the sphere of moral reforms, it was Gregory who took tangible steps to impose clerical celibacy and to punish or remove from office all ecclesiasts guilty of simony. The most important political consequence of the Gregorian Reform was the fomentation of the principle of “one flock, one shepherd, and one independent church.” Harking back to the theory of Petrine supremacy and the Donation of Constantine, the church argued not only that the pope must be the supreme authority over all of Christendom, but also that the bishop of Rome must be independent of all secular powers. In practice, this meant that only the pope must have the power to control the personnel, property, and rights of the church and that no secular ruler should play any role in appointing ecclesiastical offices.

? ? ? ? ? 為此，格里高利支持那些反叛神圣羅馬帝國(guó)皇帝亨利四世的主教和貴族。當(dāng)亨利在軍事斗爭(zhēng)中獲勝時(shí)，格里高利將教皇的逐客令之劍插入，1076年，亨利被迫在沮喪和墮落中屈服于教皇非凡的非官方盟友--卡諾薩的瑪?shù)贍栠_(dá)伯爵夫人（1115年去世）的權(quán)力，她擁有卡諾薩城堡。在她的大門外，神圣羅馬帝國(guó)皇帝赤腳走在雪地上，謙卑地服從教皇的權(quán)威。時(shí)至今日，“來到卡諾薩”是對(duì)深刻的謙卑的表達(dá)。從短期來看，這場(chǎng)勝利是短暫的--亨利把格里高利趕到了國(guó)外，并扶植了“反教皇”克萊孟三世（R. 1080-1100）。但從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)來看，帝國(guó)的統(tǒng)治被削弱了，教皇至高無上的地位得到了加強(qiáng)。

To this end Gregory supported bishops and nobles who rebelled against the Holy Roman Emperor, Henry IV. When Henry won the military battles, Pope Gregory thrust the papal sword of excommunication, and in 1076 Henry was forced to submit in dejection and degradation to the power of the pope’s extraordinary lay ally, the countess Matilda of Tuscany (d. 1115), who owned the castle of Canossa. Outside her gates the Holy Roman Emperor walked barefoot in the snow in humble submission to the pope’s authority. “Coming to Canossa” to this day is the expression for profound humbling. In the short run this victory would be short lived—Henry drove Gregory into exile and installed the “antipope” Clement III (r. 1080–1100). But in the long run Imperial rule was weakened and papal supremacy reinforced.

? ? ? ? ? 教皇加理多二世（1119-24年）和皇帝亨利五世（1111-25年）在1122年達(dá)成的協(xié)議，即《沃爾姆斯宗教協(xié)定》，結(jié)束了“授職之爭(zhēng)”。該協(xié)議是一項(xiàng)妥協(xié)協(xié)議，允許皇帝在其管轄的領(lǐng)土上“通過長(zhǎng)矛”授予主教世俗權(quán)力，但保留了教皇“通過戒指和羊角錘”授予他們精神權(quán)力的權(quán)利。由于同意教友不應(yīng)干涉教會(huì)事務(wù)的管理，該協(xié)議為教會(huì)和國(guó)家權(quán)力之間的分離原則奠定了基礎(chǔ)。

The Investiture Controversy ended with the agreement reached in 1122 between Pope Calixtus II (1119–24) and Emperor Henry V (r. 1111–25) known as the Concordat of Worms. The concordat was a compromise agreement that allowed the emperor to invest bishops with their secular authority “by the lance” in the territories that they governed, but reserved the right to the pope to invest them with spiritual authority “by the ring and the crozier.” In agreeing that laypersons should not interfere in the running of church affairs, the concordat laid the basis of the principle of a separation between the powers of the church and those of the state.

拜占庭與羅馬之間的大分裂（1054年）

? ? ? ? ? 一個(gè)世紀(jì)前，即1054年，教皇利奧九世（1049-54年）和君士坦丁堡普世牧首米海爾一世·凱路拉里奧斯（1043-59年）因在普世教會(huì)的權(quán)威問題上觀點(diǎn)不一致而互相驅(qū)逐，從而正式宣布了東正教會(huì)和拉丁語羅馬天主教會(huì)之間的“大分裂”。表面原因是諾曼人強(qiáng)迫拜占庭-意大利的希臘人加入羅馬教會(huì)時(shí)，兩位牧首之間爆發(fā)的爭(zhēng)吵。然而，這次分裂是一個(gè)漫長(zhǎng)的過程，是幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來不可逾越的文化、教義和政治分歧的高潮。西羅馬帝國(guó)毀滅后，東西方文化裂痕加速。首先消失的是希臘-羅馬的共同語言遺產(chǎn)，到五世紀(jì)末，大多數(shù)西方神職人員不懂希臘語，到了600年，甚至大多數(shù)博學(xué)的希臘神學(xué)家也不懂拉丁語。查理曼大帝通過加洛林文藝復(fù)興推廣了一種獨(dú)特的拉丁文明，進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)大了雙方之間的文化差距。而伊斯蘭帝國(guó)的建立使東西方教會(huì)之間的接觸變得極為困難。

A century earlier, in 1054, Pope Leo IX (r. 1049–54) and the Greek patriarch Michael Cerularius (r. 1043–59) had excommunicated each other for their unreconcilable views on the issue of authority over the universal church, thereby officially declaring the “Great Schism” between the Orthodox Church and the Latin Roman Catholic Church. The ostensible cause was a quarrel that broke out between the two patriarchs when the Catholic Normans forced the Greeks of Byzantine Italy to adhere to the Roman Church. However, the schism was a long time in coming and the culmination of centuries of insurmountable cultural, doctrinal, and political divergences. The cultural rift was accelerated after the destruction of the Western Roman Empire. The first to disappear was the shared Greco-Roman linguistic heritage: By the late fifth century most Western clerics knew no Greek, and by the year 600 even most erudite Greek theologians knew no Latin. Charlemagne’s promotion of a distinctly Latin civilization via the Carolingian Renaissance further broadened the cultural gap. The establishment of the Islamic empire made contacts between the Eastern and Western Churches extremely difficult.

? ? ? ? ? 在政治領(lǐng)域，君士坦丁堡的普世牧首拒絕承認(rèn)羅馬教皇的至高地位，并徹底拒絕教皇對(duì)東方牧首的權(quán)威要求。教皇拒絕承認(rèn)元老們對(duì)權(quán)威的反訴，拒絕希臘教會(huì)將君士坦丁堡的元老提升到與羅馬主教同等的大公（普世）元老地位，并批評(píng)他們轉(zhuǎn)向政教合一，將權(quán)力授予一個(gè)人作為世俗統(tǒng)治者和精神統(tǒng)治者。對(duì)位于戰(zhàn)略要地的巴爾干教會(huì)的控制權(quán)存在爭(zhēng)議是另一個(gè)因素。羅馬教會(huì)和拜占庭教會(huì)在行使教會(huì)權(quán)力方面也有不同。在拉丁教會(huì)中，教皇將定義教義的最大權(quán)利歸于自己，并限制世俗權(quán)力對(duì)教會(huì)政策的干預(yù)。在希臘教會(huì)中，教義來自對(duì)圣經(jīng)權(quán)威和大公會(huì)議的訴求，而大公會(huì)議可以由皇帝召集。對(duì)羅馬教會(huì)來說，更臭名昭著的是圣像破壞之爭(zhēng)（約730-787年，814-843年），這是最公然的政教合一案例，因?yàn)榻钩绨莺驼故臼ハ竦臎Q定是由世俗的拜占庭皇帝伊蘇里亞的利奧三世制定的。

In the political arena Greek patriarchs in Constantinople refused to recognize the supremacy of the pope in Rome and utterly rejected papal claims of authority over the Eastern patriarchs. The popes refused to acknowledge the patriarchs’ counterclaims of authority, rejected the Greek Church’s elevation of the patriarch of Constantinople to the status of an ecumenical (universal) patriarch on par with the bishop of Rome, and criticized their veering toward caesaropapism, granting power to one person as earthly ruler and spiritual ruler. The disputed control over the strategically located Balkan Churches was another factor. The Roman and Byzantine Churches also differed in the exercise of ecclesiastical authority. In the Latin Church the pope ascribed to himself the maximal right to define doctrine and circumscribed the interference of the secular powers in church policy. In the Greek Church doctrine was derived from appeals to biblical authority and ecumenical councils, which could be convoked by the emperor. Even more infamous for the Roman Church was the Iconoclast Controversy (c. 730–787, 814–843), the most flagrant case of caesaropapism since the decision to forbid worshiping and displaying icons was instituted by a secular Byzantine emperor, Leo the Isaurian.?

? ? ? ? ? 拉丁教會(huì)和希臘教會(huì)之間另一個(gè)眾所周知的分歧是關(guān)于獨(dú)身的政策。四世紀(jì)西班牙的埃爾韋拉公會(huì)議在300至303年間如期舉行，這是西方教會(huì)首次嘗試對(duì)所有牧師和其他在祭壇上傳授圣禮的人員實(shí)行獨(dú)身主義。然而，直到格里高利改革，獨(dú)身主義才成為羅馬教會(huì)的官方政策。拜占庭教會(huì)從未對(duì)其神職人員實(shí)行全面的獨(dú)身主義，而是將其限制在修士、修女和主教身上。此外，已婚的神職人員和俗人都可以離婚。

Another well-known difference between the Latin and Greek Churches is the policy on celibacy. The fourth-century Council of Elvira in Spain, held sometime between 300 and 303, was the first attempt of the Western Church to impose monastic celibacy upon all priests and other personnel who minister the sacraments at the altar. It was not until the Gregorian Reform, however, that clerical celibacy was made the official policy of the Roman Church. The Byzantine Church never imposed global celibacy upon its priesthood, limiting it instead to monks, nuns, and bishops. Moreover, married clergy and the laity were able to divorce.

? ? ? ? ? 更為嚴(yán)重的是，天主教會(huì)認(rèn)為希臘人在尼西亞會(huì)議上制定并在君士坦丁堡會(huì)議上批準(zhǔn)的基督教尼西亞三位一體的嚴(yán)格教義公式上搖擺不定。例如，在第七世紀(jì)，君士坦丁堡牧首塞爾吉烏斯一世（教宗色爾爵一世，R. 610-638）和拜占庭皇帝希拉克略（R. 610-641）提倡基督論的一元論，認(rèn)為基督有一個(gè)意志但有兩個(gè)性質(zhì)，與基督的完全人性和完全神性的正統(tǒng)教義相矛盾。

Even more serious was what the Catholic Church perceived to be Greek floundering on the strict doctrinal formula of Nicene Trinitarian Christianity formulated in the Council of Nicaea and ratified at the Council of Constantinople. For instance, in the seventh century the patriarch Sergius I of Constantinople (r. 610–638) and Emperor Heraclius (r. 610– 641) promoted the Christological doctrine of monothelitism, which held that Christ had one will but two natures, contradicting the orthodox doctrine of Christ’s full humanity and full divinity.

? ? ? ? ? 最嚴(yán)重的爭(zhēng)論點(diǎn)是關(guān)于“孝道條款”的沖突。該條款認(rèn)為，圣靈“是從父和子那里出來的”。(拉丁文詞 filioque 的意思是“并從圣子”)。這個(gè)公式與381年修訂的《尼西亞信條》不同，后者認(rèn)為“圣靈從父而來，他與圣父和圣子一起受到崇拜和榮耀”。

The gravest point of contention was the conflict over the “filioque clause.” This clause posits that the Holy Spirit “proceeds from the Father and the Son.” (the Latin word filioque means “and from the Son”). This formula differed from the revised Nicene Creed of 381, which sustained that “the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father. With the Father and the Son He is worshipped and glorified.”

? ? ? ? ? 九世紀(jì)時(shí)，加洛林人試圖向教皇施壓，要求他們正式采納“孝道”條款，以支持他們對(duì)新復(fù)興的西羅馬帝國(guó)的要求，但未獲成功。此時(shí)，教皇相對(duì)于西方皇帝的地位很強(qiáng)。11世紀(jì)初，權(quán)力的平衡被扭轉(zhuǎn)，逐漸有利于神圣羅馬帝國(guó)的皇帝。1014年，在皇帝亨利二世的堅(jiān)持下，教皇正式將這句話加入到《尼西亞信條》中，并在彌撒中首次被誦讀。主教米海爾一世（Cerularius）認(rèn)為filioque條款是大分裂的催化劑之一，因?yàn)樗肛?zé)羅馬教皇在改變正統(tǒng)教義時(shí)超出了他的權(quán)力范圍。

In the ninth century the Carolingians attempted unsuccessfully to pressure the popes into officially adopting the filioque clause in order to buttress their claims to the newly revived Western Roman Empire. At this time the position of the pope vis-à-vis the Western emperor was strong. In the early 11th century, the balance of power had been reversed in favor of the Holy Roman Emperor. In 1014 at the insistence of Emperor Henry II, the pope officially added the phrase to the Nicene Creed, and it was recited for the first time during Mass. Patriarch Cerularius considered the filioque clause to be one of the catalysts of the Great Schism since he accused the Roman pope of exceeding the limits of his authority in changing orthodox doctrine.

? ? ? ? ? 最后但并非最不重要的是，在格里高利改革之后，教皇對(duì)神圣羅馬帝國(guó)皇帝的空前權(quán)力進(jìn)一步引起了拜占庭教會(huì)的恐慌。隨之而來的對(duì)新皈依者的爭(zhēng)奪將導(dǎo)致羅斯和巴爾干地區(qū)加入東正教會(huì)。波蘭、波西米亞和匈牙利王國(guó)在文化和宗教上皈依拉丁天主教。

Last but not least, the pope’s unprecedented power over the Holy Roman Emperor in the aftermath of the Gregorian Reform was a further cause of alarm in the Byzantine Church. The ensuing contest over new converts would result in Russia and the Balkans joining the Eastern Orthodox Church. The Kingdoms of Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary became Latin Catholic in culture and religion.

第四次拉特朗公會(huì)議（1215年）

? ? ? ? ? 教皇英諾森三世（1198-1216年）的統(tǒng)治代表了教皇權(quán)力的頂峰，由于教皇統(tǒng)治的極權(quán)性質(zhì)，通常被稱為“教皇君主制”。英諾森在1215年召開的第四次拉特朗公會(huì)議是教皇權(quán)力的最大體現(xiàn)。約500名主教和大主教、70多名牧首以及900多名修道院院長(zhǎng)和牧師聚集在羅馬，基本上是為了給英諾森已經(jīng)起草的70項(xiàng)法令蓋上“橡皮圖章”。對(duì)自動(dòng)同意的期望從根本上改變了以往大公會(huì)議的辯論和論證過程。

The reign of Pope Innocent III (r. 1198–1216) represents the zenith of papal power and is often referred to as the “papal monarchy” because of the totalitarian nature of papal rule. Innocent’s convocation of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 is the maximal expression of papal power. Some 500 bishops and archbishops, more than 70 patriarchs, and over 900 abbots and priors converged upon Rome basically to “rubber stamp” 70 decrees that Innocent had already drawn up. The expectations of automatic consent posed a radical shift away from the process of debate and argumentation that had characterized previous ecumenical councils.

? ? ? ? ? 大會(huì)的總體目標(biāo)是界定和捍衛(wèi)天主教信仰，將打擊異端的手段系統(tǒng)化，重申教會(huì)不受外人干擾的獨(dú)立性，并在災(zāi)難性的第四次十字軍東征之后開始組織第五次十字軍東征。關(guān)于教義問題，第四次拉特朗公會(huì)議重申了七項(xiàng)圣事（洗禮、堅(jiān)信禮、懺悔、圣體、極樂、婚姻和圣秩）是內(nèi)部恩典的外部標(biāo)志。它確立了超驗(yàn)學(xué)說作為官方教條，認(rèn)為當(dāng)耶穌在最后的晚餐上說“這是我的身體”時(shí)，他手中的面包的實(shí)際物質(zhì)變成了他真正的身體，盡管其外表沒有變化。大公會(huì)議還對(duì)所有信徒規(guī)定了“復(fù)活節(jié)義務(wù)”，即所有從青春期開始的天主教徒必須在每年的復(fù)活節(jié)前至少向神父懺悔一次自己的罪行。第四次拉特朗公會(huì)批準(zhǔn)了對(duì)異端的鎮(zhèn)壓，并建立了宗教裁判所，作為一個(gè)全球性的機(jī)構(gòu)來審判和懲罰異端和那些幫助和教唆他們的人。

The general goals of the council were to define and defend the Catholic faith, to systematize the means of combating heresy, to reaffirm the church’s independence of lay interference, and to begin to organize the Fifth Crusade in the wake of the disastrous Fourth Crusade. Concerning matters of dogma, Lateran IV reaffirmed the seven sacraments (baptism, confirmation, penance, the Eucharist, extreme unction, marriage, and holy orders) as external signs of internal grace. It instituted as official dogma the doctrine of transubstantiation, the belief that when Jesus said the words “This is my body” at the Last Supper, the actual substance of the bread he held in his hands changed into his actual body, even though its outward appearance remained the same. The council also imposed the “Easter duty” on all the faithful, such that all Catholics from the age of puberty onward had to confess all their sins to a priest at least once a year prior to Easter. Lateran IV sanctioned the suppression of heresy and established the Inquisition as a global institution to put on trial and punish heretics and those aiding and abetting them.

? ? ? ? ? 在政治上，第四次拉特朗公會(huì)重申了教皇至上的教義，并改變了牧首權(quán)力的順序。在教皇之后，權(quán)力的首要地位現(xiàn)在將授予君士坦丁堡的拉丁牧首。在拉丁牧首之后是安提阿、亞歷山大和耶路撒冷等傳統(tǒng)牧首。在精神方面也有創(chuàng)新，因?yàn)橛⒅Z森三世批準(zhǔn)了方濟(jì)各會(huì)和多米尼加會(huì)的傳教，這兩場(chǎng)新的精神運(yùn)動(dòng)的出現(xiàn)，將日益增長(zhǎng)的非宗教人士的精神力量引向正統(tǒng)，并協(xié)助打擊異端。第四次拉特朗公會(huì)因規(guī)定猶太人和穆斯林有義務(wù)佩戴明顯的徽章以區(qū)別于基督教徒而臭名昭著。第四次拉特朗公會(huì)還規(guī)定了對(duì)不遵守獨(dú)身誓言、打獵或酗酒的叛逆教士的懲罰。最后，英諾森三世還干預(yù)了整個(gè)歐洲的政治婚姻、戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、對(duì)世俗王位的要求及商業(yè)活動(dòng)。

Politically, the Fourth Lateran Council reiterated the doctrine of papal primacy and altered the order of patriarchal authority: After the pope, primacy of authority would now be conferred upon the Latin Patriarch of Constantinople. After the Latin Patriarch were the traditional patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem. There were spiritual innovations as well, since Innocent III approved the missions of the Franciscan and the Dominican Orders, two new spiritual movements that arose to channel the increased lay spirituality toward orthodoxy and to aid in the fight against heresy. Lateran IV is notorious for imposing upon Jews and Muslims the obligation to wear a visible badge to distinguish themselves from Christians. Lateran IV established the penalties for renegade clerics who disobeyed the vow of celibacy, hunted, or became drunk. Finally, Innocent III also intervened in political marriages, wars, claims to secular thrones, and commercial activities throughout Europe.

阿維尼翁之囚（“教皇的巴比倫式囚禁”）（1305-1378）和兩任教皇（1378-1415）

? ? ? ? ? 在其權(quán)力的頂峰，富裕、華麗的教皇制度，就像有絲分裂的細(xì)胞一樣，發(fā)生了分裂。突然間，在羅馬和法國(guó)的阿維尼翁這兩個(gè)城市出現(xiàn)了兩位教皇。教會(huì)的這次西方分裂是由教皇波尼法爵八世（1294-1303年）發(fā)布的著名教宗詔書《獨(dú)一至圣》（1302年）引起的，該詔書禁止法國(guó)和英國(guó)的國(guó)王向教會(huì)征稅。該詔書宣稱，所有人類生物都必須服從羅馬教皇，以獲得救贖，在教會(huì)之外不可能有救贖。法國(guó)國(guó)王腓力四世（1285-1314年）沒有忘記教皇高于世俗統(tǒng)治者的政治含義，他試圖廢止教皇，但波尼法爵八世在1303年去世。此后，紅衣主教們選出了一位聽命于法國(guó)國(guó)王的教皇。教皇居住在法國(guó)的阿維尼翁，這是一個(gè)受法國(guó)君主制影響的教皇領(lǐng)地，這一時(shí)期被稱為“羅馬天主教會(huì)的巴比倫之囚”。在阿維尼翁占據(jù)教皇職位的七位教皇中，有許多人因其奢華的宮廷生活方式和腐敗而聞名，這種腐敗滲透到主教和牧師的隊(duì)伍中。捏造事實(shí)和出售贖罪券的行為已經(jīng)制度化。赦免書是一份準(zhǔn)許部分或全部赦免罪過的文件。當(dāng)與買方的懺悔、赦免和悔過相結(jié)合時(shí)，赦免書可以使人在死后免受煉獄之苦。在阿維尼翁之囚時(shí)期，凈化和寬恕作為資助教皇的一種手段得以常規(guī)化。

At the zenith of its power, the rich, magnificent papacy, like a cell in mitosis, divided. Suddenly there were two popes in separate cities, Rome and Avignon, France. This Western schism of the church was prompted by the famous papal bull Unam sanctam (1302), issued by Pope Boniface VIII (r. 1294–1303), which prohibited the kings of France and England from taxing the church. The bull asserted that all human creatures must be subject to the Roman pontiff in order to obtain salvation, and that outside the church no salvation was possible. The political implications of papal supremacy over temporal rulers were not lost on King Philip the Fair of France (r. 1285–1314), who attempted to have the pope deposed, but Boniface died before he could in 1303. Thereafter the cardinals elected a pope subservient to the French king. The pope resided in France at Avignon, a papal fief under the influence of the French monarchy, and the period is called the Babylonian Captivity of the Roman Catholic Church. Many of the seven popes who occupied the papacy at Avignon were noted for their opulent palace lifestyle and corruption, and this corruption filtered down into the ranks of the bishops and priests. Simony and the sale of indulgences became institutionalized. An indulgence was a document granting partial or plenary forgiveness of sins. When combined with the buyer’s confession, absolution, and repentance, indulgences yielded freedom from suffering in purgatory after death. During the Babylonian Captivity simony and indulgences were routinized as a means of financing the papacy.?

? ? ? ? ? 教皇腐敗的一個(gè)明顯例外是阿維尼翁教皇中的最后一位，格里高利九世（1370-78年），他聽從杰出的多米尼加神秘主義者錫耶納的圣加大利納（1347-80年）的建議，做出了將教皇職位遷回羅馬的決定。1378年，為選舉教皇而召開的紅衣主教會(huì)議被羅馬的一群暴徒強(qiáng)迫選舉了一位意大利教皇，于是他們選擇了烏爾巴諾六世（1378-89年）。阿維尼翁教皇都是法國(guó)人，當(dāng)法國(guó)紅衣主教放棄羅馬時(shí)，他們決定，選舉是在脅迫下進(jìn)行的，應(yīng)予取消。因此，他們選出了自己的教皇克萊孟七世（1378-94年），羅馬教會(huì)指定他為“對(duì)立教宗”。根據(jù)教皇至高無上的原則，沒有更高的權(quán)威可以讓教會(huì)決定這兩位教皇中哪一位是合法的。因此，人們被要求向兩個(gè)教皇國(guó)繳納被稱為年金的稅款。西方宗教分裂削弱了教皇對(duì)世俗統(tǒng)治者的至高無上的原則，因?yàn)槊總€(gè)教皇都向敵對(duì)的世俗王國(guó)呼吁，以獲得對(duì)其教皇地位的支持。它還引起了普通信徒的驚愕，他們對(duì)支持多個(gè)教皇國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)成本感到惱火，并對(duì)他們不朽的靈魂可能下地獄感到不安，因?yàn)槊總€(gè)教皇國(guó)都將對(duì)方逐出教會(huì)，并宣布其管理圣禮的權(quán)利無效。

An apparent exception to papal corruption was the last of the Avignon popes, Gregory IX (r. 1370–78), who, following the advice of the remarkable Dominican mystic Catherine of Siena (1347–80), made the fateful decision to restore the papacy to Rome. In 1378 cardinals meeting to elect a pope were forced by a Roman mob to elect an Italian pope and so chose Urban VI (r. 1378–89). The Avignon popes had all been French, and when the French cardinals abandoned Rome, they decided that the election had been made under duress and should be nullified. Consequently, they elected their own pope, Clement VII (r. 1378–94), whom the Roman Church designated as an “antipope.” According to the principle of papal supremacy, there was no higher authority to whom the church could appeal to decide which of the two popes was legitimate. Accordingly, the people were required to pay taxes called annates to two individual papacies. The Western schism eroded the principle of papal supremacy over temporal rulers as each pope appealed to rival secular kingdoms in order to gain support for his papacy. It also provoked consternation among the lay faithful, irked at the financial cost of supporting multiple papacies and distraught over fears that their immortal souls might go to hell, since each papacy excommunicated the other and declared its right to administer the sacraments to be invalid.

? ? ? ? ? 針對(duì)這種濫用教權(quán)的行為，珍視基督教的改革者開始質(zhì)疑絕對(duì)主義的教皇權(quán)威，呼吁教皇改革，并呼吁恢復(fù)耶穌和他的使徒們所遵循的“使徒貧窮”模式。在阿維尼翁之囚的高峰期，意大利帕多瓦的非宗教人文主義者馬西利烏斯（1270-1342年）于1324年發(fā)表了政治著作《和平守護(hù)者》（Defensor pacis），肯定世俗國(guó)家是公共福利的合法捍衛(wèi)者，并將教會(huì)的作用僅歸于精神事務(wù)。英格蘭的約翰·威克里夫（John Wycliffe）（約1320-84年）因其將《圣經(jīng)》翻譯成英文而被人們所熟知，他公開宣稱，在世俗事務(wù)中，君主的權(quán)威高于教皇的權(quán)威，教會(huì)應(yīng)遵守“使徒貧窮”的教義，出售贖罪券是褻瀆行為，圣禮沒有授予恩典或救贖的真正精神力量，從而將對(duì)神職人員的需求降到最低。同樣，民粹主義傳教士揚(yáng)·胡斯（Jan Hus，約1371-1415年）也譴責(zé)出售贖罪券，并聲稱教皇的權(quán)力不是來自上帝，而是來自教會(huì)的團(tuán)體。作為回應(yīng)，教會(huì)將揚(yáng)·胡斯譴責(zé)為異端，并命令將他燒死在火刑柱上，在他的家鄉(xiāng)波西米亞引發(fā)了胡斯戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)（1420-34）。這些理論為新教改革鋪平了道路，德意志神學(xué)家馬丁·路德（1483-1546年）于1517年發(fā)表了著名的《九十五條論綱》，挑戰(zhàn)教皇的權(quán)威和放縱的權(quán)力與效力。

Against such misuses of clerical authority, reformers who cherished Christianity began questioning absolutist papal authority, clamoring for papal reform, and calling for the restoration of the modelic “apostolic poverty” that Jesus and his apostles followed. At the height of the Babylonian Captivity, the lay humanist Marsiglio of Padua in Italy (1270–1342) published his controversial treatise Defensor pacis, (Defender of the peace) in 1324, affirming the secular state as the rightful defender of the public welfare and relegating the role of the church to spiritual matters only. John Wycliffe of England (c. 1320–84), best remembered for his English translation of the Bible, declared publicly that in temporal matters the authority of the monarch supersedes that of the pope, that the church should observe apostolic poverty, that the sale of indulgences was simony, and that the sacraments had no real spiritual power to confer grace or salvation, thus minimizing the need for the clergy. Similarly, the populist preacher Jan Hus (c. 1371–1415) condemned the sale of indulgences and claimed that the pope’s power did not derive from God, but rather from the community of the church. In response, the church condemned Hus as a heretic and ordered him to be burned at the stake, giving rise to the Hussite War (1420–34) in his native Bohemia. Such theories would pave the way for the Protestant Reformation that the German theologian Martin Luther (1483–1546) inaugurated in 1517 when he published his famous “95 Theses” challenging the authority of the pope and the power and efficacy of indulgences.

宗教會(huì)議、教皇權(quán)力和三位教皇

? ? ? ? ? 為了結(jié)束教宗分裂，支持對(duì)立教宗羅馬的格里高利十二世（1406-15年）和阿維尼翁的本篤十三世（1394-1417年）的紅衣主教們同意在1409年召開比薩會(huì)議，打算罷免這兩位在位的教皇。兩人都頑固地拒絕讓出他們的教皇寶座。紅衣主教們宣布兩位教皇都是分裂主義者和異端，并選舉亞歷山大五世為教皇（1409-10年）?，F(xiàn)在，出現(xiàn)了三位教皇的局面。1414年，神圣羅馬帝國(guó)皇帝西吉斯蒙德（1410-37年）和對(duì)立教宗約翰二十二世（1410-15年）召開了康斯坦茨大公會(huì)議，以結(jié)束教皇的三權(quán)分立，譴責(zé)異端邪說（如揚(yáng)·胡斯及其運(yùn)動(dòng)），并試圖進(jìn)行教會(huì)改革。會(huì)議廢黜了約翰二十二世，選舉馬丁五世（1417-31年）為教皇。康斯坦茨大公會(huì)議發(fā)布了兩項(xiàng)戲劇性的聲明，表明其對(duì)教皇的控制。第一項(xiàng)法令“Sacrosancta”（神圣不可侵犯）宣布會(huì)議高于教皇。第二項(xiàng)法令“Frequens”（會(huì)議召開頻率）確立了每10年舉行一次會(huì)議的規(guī)則。他們宣稱會(huì)議權(quán)力和10年規(guī)則是試圖將持有圣彼得鑰匙的人銬起來。

In an attempt to end the papal schism, cardinals supporting the rival popes Gregory XII of Rome (r. 1406–15) and Benedict XIII of Avignon (r. 1394–1417) agreed to convoke the Council of Pisa in 1409 with the intention of deposing the two reigning popes. Both stubbornly refused to vacate their papal thrones. The cardinals declared both popes to be schismatics and heretics and elected Alexander V as pope (r. 1409–10). Now, there were three popes. In 1414 Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund (r. 1410–37) and the antipope John XXII (r. 1410–15) convoked the Council of Constance to end papal triplicity, condemn heresies (such as those of Jan Hus and his movement), and attempt church reform. The council deposed John XXII and elected Martin V (r. 1417–31) to reign as pope. Constance issued two dramatic declarations of its control over the papacy. The decree Sacrosancta declared the council superior to the pope. The second decree, Frequens, established the rule that councils would meet every 10 years. The assertion of conciliar power and this 10-year rule were attempts to handcuff the people who held Saint Peter’s keys.

? ? ? ? ? 但教皇馬丁另有想法。他解散了康斯坦茨大公會(huì)議，收回了圣彼得的鑰匙，并重新確立了教皇的首要地位。在接下來的三十年里，教會(huì)舊有的不公正現(xiàn)象繼續(xù)滋生。裙帶關(guān)系，即把有利可圖的教會(huì)職位授予教皇的子女或親屬，十分猖獗。褻瀆罪和出售贖罪券的行為繼續(xù)有增無減。

But Pope Martin had other ideas. He dissolved the Council of Constance, reclaimed the keys of Saint Peter, and reasserted papal primacy. For the next three decades old church injustices continued to thrive. Nepotism, the bestowing of lucrative church positions upon papal children or relatives, was rampant. Simony and the sale of indulgences continued unabated.

? ? ? ? ? ?如同議會(huì)和代議制莊園對(duì)世俗統(tǒng)治者的勸告或控制一樣，教會(huì)理事會(huì)在1400年至1450年期間召開會(huì)議，反復(fù)試圖改革教皇制度。但教皇戰(zhàn)勝了插手他們權(quán)力的人。1438年，法國(guó)教會(huì)，即高盧教會(huì)，在《布爾日國(guó)事詔書》中確認(rèn)了教會(huì)會(huì)議高于教皇的地位，宣布在行政上獨(dú)立于羅馬教廷，禁止向羅馬支付年金稅，并禁止教皇干預(yù)法國(guó)教會(huì)人員的任命。1431年，馬丁五世召集了巴塞爾會(huì)議，并由其繼任者安日納四世（1431-37年）主持，以處理胡斯異端，并解決會(huì)議權(quán)力與教皇權(quán)威的問題。政治爭(zhēng)斗導(dǎo)致安日納被罷免，1437年對(duì)立教宗菲利克斯五世當(dāng)選。安日納通過談判重新統(tǒng)一羅馬教會(huì)和拜占庭教會(huì)，并提出如果世俗和宗教當(dāng)局承認(rèn)對(duì)立教宗菲利克斯，另一次西方分裂將造成傷害的擔(dān)憂，從而為自己的事業(yè)爭(zhēng)取支持。安日納的論點(diǎn)占了上風(fēng)，1449年，會(huì)議被解散了。第二年，即1450年，教廷舉行了一場(chǎng)盛大的慶典，慶祝教皇的政治勝利。教皇的教會(huì)之劍重申了對(duì)圣彼得鑰匙的安全保管。

As parliaments and representative estates counsel or control secular rulers, church councils met between 1400 and 1450 in repeated attempts to reform the papacy. But the popes triumphed over the meddlers in their power. The French, or Gallican, Church in 1438 in the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges affirmed the supremacy of church councils over the pope, declared administrative independence from the Holy See, suppressed payments of annate taxes to Rome, and forbade papal intervention in the appointment of French churchmen. In 1431 the Council of Basel was convoked by Martin V and presided over by his successor, Eugene IV (r. 1431–37), in order to deal with the Hussite heresy and to settle the issue of conciliar versus papal authority. Political wrangling led to the deposition of Eugene and the election of the antipope Felix V in 1437. Eugene was able to marshal support for his cause by undertaking negotiations to reunite the Roman and Byzantine Churches and to raise the specter of harm that another Western schism would cause if the secular and religious authorities recognized antipope Felix. Eugene’s arguments prevailed, and in 1449 the council was dissolved. The following year, 1450, the papacy held a great jubilee to celebrate papal political triumph. The pope’s ecclesiastical sword reaffirmed the safekeeping of the keys of Saint Peter.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones?

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