牧游社 牧有漢化翻譯

Developer Diary | Ethiopia #2

AveeBee, Private

Hey, AveeBee here. This is my first time writing a development diary for you all, having only joined the Hearts of Iron team earlier this year. However, I'd just like to say that it's a great honor to get to do this having been a fan of the series for literally decades at this point, (yeah, look it up, Hearts of Iron I came out in 2002, crazy right?) I'm really excited to be contributing to this awesome game. With that out of the way, let's once again dive into Ethiopia!

嘿，這里是AveeBee。我今年早些時候剛加入鋼鐵雄心開發(fā)組，這是第一次為大家寫開發(fā)日志。不過我想說，作為這有著數(shù)十年之久歷史的系列作品的老粉（沒錯可查，鋼鐵雄心I代在2002年就出了，絕了是吧？），能為這個不起的游戲作出貢獻(xiàn)真我興奮不已。說完這些，讓我們再一次跳進(jìn)埃塞俄比亞的內(nèi)容吧！

As explained in the last Ethiopian dev diary, Ethiopia starts in a dire situation with the Italian invasion of the country well under way and any hope of winning the war rapidly diminishing. Haile Selassie historically left the country to rally support through the League of Nations for stopping Italy's illegal invasion. But Haile Selassie wasn’t the only one in Ethiopia with ideas on how to end the war…

如同上一篇埃塞俄比亞開發(fā)日志所述，埃塞俄比亞開局就已經(jīng)因意大利入侵而立于危急存亡之中，而勝利的希望也在逐漸消逝。歷史上的海爾·塞拉西離開了祖國，以圖透過國際聯(lián)盟遏止意大利的非法入侵。然而海爾·塞拉西并不是唯一一個對如何終結(jié)戰(zhàn)爭有想法的人……

Let's wind back the clock to early 1936, before Selassie leaves the nation for Geneva. In such desperate times, there are rumblings of discontent with the emperor's handling of the conflict. Among the regional aristocrats, there is talk of reaching out to the Italians and switching sides in the hopes of maintaining hereditary titles. Meanwhile, the troops grow ever more disgruntled with officers leading them into defeat after defeat, knowing well that they were only given their ranks by birth right. Behind enemy lines, the fierce anti-fascist Black Lions begin to wonder if their successes and sacrifices are having any impact on the war as the Italians continue to push deeper and deeper into the heart of Ethiopia.

讓我們回到1936年初，塞拉西離開祖國前往日內(nèi)瓦之前。在這個絕望的時刻，對皇帝如何處理戰(zhàn)事的不滿聲此起彼伏。在地方貴族之間，有人提出要與意大利人接觸并轉(zhuǎn)變陣營，以此保住自己的世襲頭銜。與此同時，各部隊也對軍官們越發(fā)不滿，這些靠出身獲得軍銜的貴人們屢次帶著士兵打敗仗。而在敵后，隨著意軍逐漸侵入埃塞俄比亞的心臟地帶，勇猛的反法西斯組織黑獅組織Black Lions也開始懷疑自己的成功和犧牲對戰(zhàn)事究竟有沒有作用。

With so many disgruntled factions, the slightest nudge can drastically alter the structure of the empire.

有著這么多不滿的派系，最輕微的波動都足以大幅改變帝國的權(quán)力架構(gòu)。

Facist Path

法西斯路線

Let's start by looking at the fascist sympathizing aristocrats. Starting at the top of their focus branch, we have Reach out to the Italians. This focus puts the feelers out to see whether the Italians would be willing to support a coup against Selassie in exchange for letting them maintain some level of control once the dust finally settles. This focus also determines who will be the leader of the revolt against Selassie. As can be seen from the icon, there is a choice of three potential leaders, Haile Selassie Gugsa, Hailu Tekle Haymanot of Gojjam and Abba Jofir of Jimma. Each leader has different strengths and weaknesses and will move the power center of the country to their respective regions, should they succeed in overthrowing the emperor. Unfortunately the portraits for these guys aren't complete, yet so I can't show them off today.

我們先從同情法西斯的貴族們看起吧：他們路線始自“接觸意大利人”。這個國策讓同情者們與意大利人接觸，看看他們是否愿意支持針對塞拉西的政變，借此保證戰(zhàn)事塵埃落定后貴族們能維持一定程度的控制。這個國策同時會決定誰將成為反抗塞拉西的叛軍領(lǐng)袖。如同圖標(biāo)所示，將會有三位可選領(lǐng)袖：海爾·塞拉西·古格薩Haile Selassie Gugsa（譯注：埃塞俄比亞軍隊指揮官及所羅門王朝成員，曾在第二次意埃戰(zhàn)爭期間背叛海爾·塞拉西并在意大利占領(lǐng)期間成為法西斯合作者），戈賈姆的海盧·泰克·海曼諾Hailu Tekle Haymanot of Gojjam（譯注：埃塞俄比亞軍隊指揮官和貴族，經(jīng)常與中央政府發(fā)生沖突的省級統(tǒng)治者）和吉馬的阿巴·喬菲爾Abba Jofir of Jimma（注：埃塞俄比亞地方王國的統(tǒng)治者，在意大利占領(lǐng)期間曾與法西斯合作）。每一位領(lǐng)袖都會有不同的強(qiáng)項和弱點(diǎn)，假如他們成功推翻皇帝的話，也會把權(quán)力中心移到各自的地區(qū)當(dāng)中。很不幸這幾位的肖像都還未完成，所以今天沒法展示。

Should the Italians rebuff your attempts to reach out to them, the focus tree will unlock the first section of the historical/imperial branch and the fascist sympathizing aristocrats will have to swallow their ambitions and do as the focus says, Rally around the Emperor. The decision to lock the player in this path in such a scenario is due to the importance of time for Ethiopia as it is immediately at war with Italy. Italy's decision to accept the proposal will be weighted on how close they are to defeating Ethiopia and the war escalation levels mentioned in the last Ethiopia dev diary. For instance, if the war is dragging on for Italy, the odds of them accepting the deal will increase. Meanwhile, if Ethiopia is close to capitulating, Italy will be less likely to accept the deal.

要是意大利人斷然拒絕了埃方的接觸嘗試，國策樹將會自動解鎖第一部分的史實/帝國路線，而法西斯同情者的貴族們只能憋著著自己的野心，并如國策名一樣來“追隨皇帝”了。我們決定在這種情況下把玩家鎖在這條路線上，是由于對埃塞俄比亞而言時間是至關(guān)重要的，畢竟她開局就在與意大利作戰(zhàn)。意大利接受這項提議的權(quán)重，將由其多大程度上接近擊敗埃塞俄比亞，以及上一篇埃塞俄比亞開發(fā)日志提到戰(zhàn)爭烈度決定。舉個例子，假如意大利正在被戰(zhàn)爭拖進(jìn)泥潭之中，那么他們接受協(xié)議的幾率將會增加。另一方面，假如埃塞俄比亞與投降只有一線之差的話，那意大利就不太可能接受提案。

However, if the Italians are receptive to the idea of Ethiopia tearing itself apart, the next two focuses, Sway the Warlords and Expand the Bodyguard will be available. Swaying the warlords will boost the popularity of fascism in Ethiopia and give access to loyalist generals once the current war is won. Meanwhile expanding the bodyguard will guarantee a number of elite divisions will be loyal to their Italian backed leader when the empire inevitably fractures.

不過，要是意大利人樂于接受埃塞俄比亞自我分裂的想法的話，下兩個國策“拉攏軍閥”和“擴(kuò)編護(hù)衛(wèi)隊”將會可用。拉攏軍閥將會提升埃塞俄比亞的法西斯主義支持度，并會在當(dāng)前戰(zhàn)爭勝利后獲得一些忠誠派將領(lǐng)。而擴(kuò)編護(hù)衛(wèi)隊將會保證數(shù)個精英師部隊在帝國不可避免地分崩離析時對意大利所支持的領(lǐng)袖效忠。

Once the fascists have built their support network up, it's time for them to Declare for Italy. Once this focus is taken, the fascist supporters will break away from Ethiopia to become an Italian puppet. Who that puppet is will depend on which leader was chosen to reach out to the Italians. With the backing of the Italians, it won't take long to defeat the diminished forces still loyal to Haile Selassie and finally bring 'peace' to the region.

一旦法西斯主義者建立起了自己的支持網(wǎng)，那么就到了他們“公開支持意大利”的時侯了。在選取這個國策時，法西斯支持者將會脫離埃塞俄比亞并成為意大利的傀儡。而誰將成為傀儡會取決于哪一位領(lǐng)袖被派去接觸意大利人。在意大利人的支持之下，你不用花太多時間就可以打敗仍對海爾·塞拉西效忠的殘余部隊，并且最終把“和平”帶到當(dāng)?shù)亍?/p>

Once the civil war is over, what was once Ethiopia will be in tatters and under the yoke of Italian rule, as can be seen by the 'Victor Emanuel I' national spirit and the loss of some territory. But while it might otherwise have been annexed completely into Italy, the former empire retains a semblance of independence under the watchful eye of its new fascist leader. The initial objective after the war is of course rebuilding the damaged infrastructure and generally strengthening the reorganized rump state. There are of course the general economic and military branches explored in the last DD available at this point, however there are also bonuses for rebuilding that are unique to the fascist path too.

內(nèi)戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后，曾經(jīng)的埃塞俄比亞已然支離破碎，并陷入意大利統(tǒng)治的桎梏之下，從“維克多·埃馬努埃萊一世”民族精神和國土淪喪都能體現(xiàn)出這一點(diǎn)。雖然在其它方面都已經(jīng)被意大利吞并，但在新即位的法西斯領(lǐng)袖的注視之下，這個前帝國唯獨(dú)仍保持著表面上的獨(dú)立。戰(zhàn)后的首要目標(biāo)，理所當(dāng)然的是重建毀壞的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施以及全面增強(qiáng)重組后的殘余國家。在這一點(diǎn)上當(dāng)然也包括前一個開發(fā)日志中披露的經(jīng)濟(jì)和軍事分支國策樹，而且法西斯路線還有一些獨(dú)有的重建加成。

After completing Rebuilding the Country, we have a few options to take. Each of them begins the transition of moving Ethiopia away from a traditional empire and more towards a nation united under a leader with absolute authority. Replace the Abuna allows the removal of Qerellos IV from leadership of the Ethiopian Coptic church and the ability to replace him with someone more… loyal to the new order.

完成“重建國家”國策之后，我們有數(shù)個國策可選，每個國策都將開啟一段將埃塞俄比亞從傳統(tǒng)帝國轉(zhuǎn)型為由一位絕對權(quán)威領(lǐng)袖領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的團(tuán)結(jié)國家的路程。“取代阿布納”將允許你把切雷洛斯四世趕下埃塞科普特正教會領(lǐng)袖的位置，并讓某位更……忠于新秩序的人取而代之。

The Victory Parade gives the people of the capital a chance to thank their supposed savior for preventing the destruction of the nation. This also has the added effect of boosting the country leader's stats, depending on who was chosen of course.

“勝利閱兵”會讓首都的人民有機(jī)會感恩所謂使國家免于毀滅的救主。該國策同樣能提高國家領(lǐng)袖的能力，當(dāng)然這取決于誰被推舉為領(lǐng)袖。

To the left we have Invite Italian Settlers which does exactly what it suggests. This adds the Italian Settlers national spirit to Ethiopia which gives massive boosts to construction and population growth. It also converts two pastoral states into rural states, as new Italian settlements in the countryside begin to take shape. However, this all comes at the cost of reducing Ethiopia's effectiveness at fighting the Italians due to their people and culture becoming intermingled with its own.

左邊是“邀請意大利定居者”，正如其名。它將為埃塞俄比亞添加“意大利定居者”的民族精神，給建設(shè)和人口增長帶來巨大的增益。它還能把兩個牧業(yè)地區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)化為鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)，這是因為意大利新移民在鄉(xiāng)間的定居點(diǎn)開始成型。然而，這一切都有代價，由于意大利的人民和文化與埃塞俄比亞的人民和文化混雜在一起，埃塞俄比亞與意大利作戰(zhàn)的效率會降低。

This is also the point at which choices must be made over the future of Ethiopia. Will it be a loyal and indispensable subject of Italy? Or will it make schemes in the shadows for the eventual restoration of independence? It might seem like an easy choice, after all, who wants to be a puppet right? However, as mentioned above with Invite Italian Settlers there are advantages to getting cozy with the Italians.

這也是對埃塞俄比亞的未來不得不做出選擇的時刻。它是否會成為意大利忠誠而不可或缺的附庸？還是在暗中為最終恢復(fù)獨(dú)立制定計劃？答案看起來顯而易見，畢竟誰愿意做一個傀儡呢？然而，正如上面“邀請意大利定居者”的描述中提到的，與意大利人親近有很多好處。

Lets see what those advantages are by exploring the collaborationist path first. In order to gain the Italians' trust, Ethiopia's leader will have to secure support from the regional governor of East-Africa, Prince Amedeo. And what better occasion to do so than the feast of Maskal! Trivia time, this meeting actually happened during Italy's occupation of Ethiopia as the Italians attempted to secure control of the region by courting the remaining Ras' (Ethiopian aristocracy). The Feast of Maskal is a celebration performed by followers of the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian church celebrating the discovery of 'the True Cross' in the 4th century by Queen Eleni.

讓我們先來看看合作路線有哪些優(yōu)勢。為了獲得意大利人的信任，埃塞俄比亞的領(lǐng)袖必須獲得東非地區(qū)總督阿梅迪奧王子的支持。那還能有什么比真十字節(jié)The Feast of Maskal更好的場合呢！閑話時間，這次會面是在意大利占領(lǐng)埃塞俄比亞期間真實發(fā)生過的，意大利人試圖通過討好剩余的王子Ras（埃塞俄比亞貴族）來確保對該地區(qū)的控制。真十字節(jié)是埃塞俄比亞正教會的信徒舉行的慶祝活動，慶祝埃萊尼女王在四世紀(jì)發(fā)現(xiàn)“真十字架”。

Back to our alternate timeline, as mentioned earlier on, when taking the Sway the Warlords focus a number of military officers will pledge themselves to the new fascist order. Now when taking the Feast of Maskal focus, these officers will become available again. On top of that, the Victor Emanuel I national spirit will also gain some boosts to make him less negative to Ethiopia.

回到我們的架空時間線，如前文所述：在選取“拉攏軍閥”國策后，一眾軍官會效忠新法西斯政權(quán)。此后選擇“阿梅迪奧的真十字節(jié)”時會讓這些軍官重新加入軍隊。此外，維克多·埃馬努埃萊一世的民族精神也會獲得一些加成，讓他對埃塞俄比亞的負(fù)面效果不那么糟。

Following this, we have a number of focuses to take advantage of Italy's military experience and sweet, sweet industry for the benefit of Ethiopia. On the economic side, the nation can gain extra civilian industry by Inviting Italian Investors and Adopting the Lira. On the military side, Ethiopia can recruit Italian General Staff to act as advisors or gain some infantry equipment and artillery via the Request Italian Equipment focus. At the neck of this branch, Ethiopia can utilize an array of Italian design companies via the Outsourced Production focus.

接下來我們有一些國策，可以借助意大利的軍事經(jīng)驗及其甜美的工業(yè)產(chǎn)能，為埃塞俄比亞謀利。在經(jīng)濟(jì)方面，國家可以通過“邀請意大利投資者”和“采用里拉”來獲得額外的民用工廠。在軍事方面，埃塞俄比亞可以招募“意大利參謀團(tuán)”作為顧問，或者通過“索要意式裝備”國策來獲得一些步兵裝備和火炮。在這個路線的中段，埃塞俄比亞可以通過“外包生產(chǎn)”聘請一批意大利設(shè)計公司。

This leads to the last section of the collaborationist sub-path. After integrating Ethiopia into the Italian economic system, opening the nation up to their settlers and reforming the military to fight alongside them, we begin to see the rewards of loyalty. By officially adopting The Italian Language, the Victor Emanuel I national spirit gets a potent upgrade, offering a boost to political and command power gain. On the other side, the Compensation focus gives the ability to request control over Italian territory in East-Africa.

這就走向合作子路線的最后一部分國策。將埃塞俄比亞整合進(jìn)入意大利的經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)，向意大利放開國門以便他們的移居者來到埃塞俄比亞，并且改革軍隊以同意大利并肩作戰(zhàn)之后，我們看到了忠誠的回報。在正式接受“意大利語言”之后，民族精神“維克多·埃馬努埃萊一世”將會得到提升。這將會加快政治點(diǎn)數(shù)和指揮點(diǎn)數(shù)的獲得。另一方面，國策“補(bǔ)償金”將可以讓玩家要求獲得意屬東非領(lǐng)土的控制權(quán)。

But at the very end, the big finale for towing the Italian line is the recognition of Ethiopia as a loyal partner to Italy rather than a simple colony. This culminates in the formation of the Italo-Ethiopian Empire in East-Africa and the unification of what was once two separate crowns. And as a goal for the reformed empire, it also gains the Arranged Expansion idea which will transfer control of conquered lands in the region to Ethiopia.

但在最后，這條倒向意大利的國策對于埃塞俄比亞之于意大利來說，更像是一個忠誠的合作伙伴而非一塊簡單的殖民地。這包括“意大利-埃塞俄比亞帝國”的成立，并統(tǒng)一了兩個曾經(jīng)分裂的王國。作為一個重整的帝國的目標(biāo)，其也會獲得“有序擴(kuò)張”的效果，以將占領(lǐng)地控制權(quán)轉(zhuǎn)交給埃塞俄比亞。

So, we've explored what loyalty gets you, now let's see what betrayal gets you! If we go back to the Feast of Maskal focus, you might have noticed it is mutually exclusive with the Negus of Shewa focus. This focus sets Ethiopia on a collision course with Italy by rejecting their influence and rekindling pride in the nation once again. This will cause the Victor Emanuel I national spirit to become detrimental to Ethiopia's stability as the people reject the new sovereign. Reinforce Ethiopian Identity builds on this further by increasing support for going to war as the people rekindle their fighting spirit.

那么，講完了忠誠帶來的獎勵后，現(xiàn)在我們說說背叛的后果！我們回到“真十字節(jié)”這個國策，你或許會注意到這個國策和“紹阿領(lǐng)主”互斥。這個國策會拒絕意大利的影響，從而將埃塞俄比亞置于和意大利的沖突之中，并再次激起埃塞俄比亞的民族自豪感。這將導(dǎo)致維克多·埃馬努埃萊一世轉(zhuǎn)變成對于埃塞俄比亞穩(wěn)定度有害的民族精神，只因為民眾現(xiàn)在拒絕一個新的君主。“強(qiáng)化埃塞俄比亞身份認(rèn)同”將激化這個情況，讓民眾重燃戰(zhàn)意從而提升了戰(zhàn)爭支持度。

If the new regime intends to fight the Italians, then they must prepare the military. Luckily, taking the Underground Wargames focus will give the troops a substantial advantage when engaging the Italian military. While the collaborationist branch is focused on integrating into the Italian economy, this branch is more about being the absolute worst subject possible. Options for doing this include Set up a Customs Barrier which allows Ethiopia to make trade with Italy as difficult as humanly possible while still avoiding the Regia Marina resorting to gunboat diplomacy. This protectionist measure will give Ethiopia an economic boost, while reducing Italy's colonial gains from its unruly puppet. If that isn't good enough of an insult to the Italians, there's also the option to Contact the Exiles who fled Ethiopia and have them return with foreign weapons for the troops.

如果新生政權(quán)傾向與意大利斗爭，就必須要讓軍隊做好準(zhǔn)備。幸運(yùn)的是，“秘密軍事推演”國策將會在軍隊和意大利交戰(zhàn)時為部隊提供有效的優(yōu)勢。合作派的路線更注重于將自己整合進(jìn)意大利經(jīng)濟(jì)圈，而這條路線更著重于讓敵人明白：選我們當(dāng)附庸絕對是最差的選擇。達(dá)成目的的可選項包括“設(shè)置關(guān)稅壁壘”，允許埃塞俄比亞讓各國對意貿(mào)易變得難上加難，同時避免刺激皇家海軍選擇艦炮外交。這一保護(hù)主義措施在增長經(jīng)濟(jì)的同時，還會降低意大利從不守規(guī)矩的傀儡國獲得的殖民收益。如果這還不算夠羞辱意大利，我們還可以選擇“聯(lián)系流亡者”，讓他們帶著外國武器回到祖國。

Due to the lack of economic support by following this sub-branch, Ethiopia is going to be much more reliant on foreign aid if it is to succeed in driving Italy out of the country. Luckily, there's usually not a shortage of nations who would like to see Mussolini knocked down a notch or twelve. This can be utilized by Our Enemies Enemy, which allows the other great powers to send military equipment to Ethiopia.

因為在這個子路線之后缺少經(jīng)濟(jì)支持，埃塞俄比亞驅(qū)逐意大利遠(yuǎn)離自身國土的事業(yè)將更加依靠于外國援助。幸運(yùn)的是，這世上永遠(yuǎn)不缺想看見墨索里尼走向滅亡的國家。通過“敵人的敵人”國策，將允許其他強(qiáng)國向埃塞俄比亞輸送裝備。

Another fun way to make the Italians hate you is to raid their depots for equipment and destroy what you can't carry. Sounds fun right? Luckily we have a focus that lets you do exactly that! Raid Italian Depots will trigger a number of raids over the following months which increase Ethiopia’s stockpile of weapons while increasing Italy's supply consumption.

另一種提高意大利人厭惡度的好辦法就是襲擊的他們的裝備倉庫，并摧毀所有帶不走的東西。聽起來很有趣對不？幸運(yùn)的是，我們恰好有這么個國策?！敖俾右獯罄娀饚臁睍谖磥韼讉€月內(nèi)觸發(fā)一系列襲擊，增加埃塞俄比亞的武器裝備庫存，同時加劇意大利的補(bǔ)給消耗。

But, what's a revolt without friends, am I right? Together for Victory allows Ethiopia to reach out to the various resistance groups in East-Africa who are opposed to Italian rule. If conflict breaks out between Ethiopia and Italy, these resistance fighters will take up arms behind enemy lines and join the conflict alongside Ethiopia.

但是，沒有盟友的反抗又算啥，是吧？“共赴勝利”國策允許埃塞俄比亞接觸在東非的各式抵抗組織。當(dāng)沖突爆發(fā)時，抵抗組織的戰(zhàn)士們將會在敵后拿起武器并加入戰(zhàn)斗，與埃塞俄比亞并肩作戰(zhàn)。

Once Italian rule in Ethiopia has been sufficiently weakened and the underground army is ready to leap into action, it is time to declare independence and prepare for the backlash. Negusa Nagast is the focus that allows Ethiopia to do exactly that, but it shouldn't be taken lightly. If Italy is stubborn enough, they may come down hard on this rebellion, but hopefully preparations made earlier will tip the balance in Ethiopia's favor.

在充分削弱了意大利的統(tǒng)治以及秘密軍隊做好準(zhǔn)備以后，就是宣布獨(dú)立和準(zhǔn)備反攻的時候了。“萬王之王”國策賦予了埃塞俄比亞機(jī)會，但絕不能輕敵。如果意大利人夠頑固，他們會強(qiáng)硬地對待這場叛亂。不過，希望早先的充足準(zhǔn)備能讓戰(zhàn)爭的天平傾向埃塞俄比亞這一邊。

Even if the Italians are too busy dealing with conflicts elsewhere, they may still be in control of land that is rightfully Ethiopian, which leads me to the next focus. Reclaim the Empire allows Ethiopia to regain cores on territory earlier ceded to Italy, once they are back under Ethiopian control. So, the new emperor has made it this far, apparently saving the empire on multiple occasions through various levels of back stabbing and insurrection. But what now? What is there to do for a newly crowned, backstabbing, insurrectionist of an emperor once he has gained his throne? Probably subjugate everything in the vicinity right? Great, because the final focus of this sub-branch, Consolidate East-Africa, gives Ethiopia claims on territory across the region and the ability to core them once conquered.

哪怕意大利人正為其它地方的沖突忙得焦頭爛額，他們可能仍控制著屬于埃塞俄比亞的土地。這也帶著我們走向了下一個國策“重奪帝國”，讓埃塞俄比亞能重新獲得割讓領(lǐng)地的核心。那么，新皇帝已經(jīng)走到這里了，通過各種層次的背刺和叛亂多少算拯救了帝國?，F(xiàn)在該怎么辦呢？這么個新加冕的、靠暗箭傷人和與叛亂份子無異的皇帝登上皇位了要做什么呢？可能就是征服眼前的一切吧：這條路線的最后一個國策即“鞏固東非”，給予埃塞俄比亞對整個區(qū)域的宣稱，并在占領(lǐng)以后獲得核心。

The collaborationist and independent fascist paths will hopefully offer a lot of replay-ability as the various choices throughout the two sub-paths make for various different narratives. Since the last dev diary, we've had a lot more great artwork added into the game for focus trees and events. Here's an overview of the fascist branch at the moment, but remember that this is still a work in progress and may be subject to change.

我們希望合作和獨(dú)立的法西斯主義路線能促使玩家多次游玩，因為貫穿這兩個子路線的大量選擇可以硬造很多不同的故事。自從上一篇開發(fā)日志以來，我們?yōu)閲邩浜褪录?chuàng)作了很多新的插圖。這是目前對法西斯路線的一個概覽，但還請記得這仍是制作中的版本，因此有些內(nèi)容仍可能會發(fā)生改變。

Now, you might be thinking, 'I'm fed up with this aristocratic stuff, this ain't CK III!' Well, fascism isn't the only alternate history path for Ethiopia. Let's wind back the clock again to 1936. As mentioned earlier, there are rumblings from the front and in the streets, it's not only the aristocracy that are growing frustrated with Haile Selassie's leadership. The people and the troops are questioning the centuries old aristocracy and turning to the likes of the Soviet Union for inspiration.

現(xiàn)在你可能在想：“這貴族玩意兒我受夠了，又不是在玩CK3！”呃，但法西斯并非埃塞俄比亞唯一的架空歷史路線。讓我們把時間調(diào)回1936年。如前文所述，前線和街上都有暗流涌動，不僅是貴族對海爾塞拉西的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)越發(fā)不滿，群眾與軍隊同樣在質(zhì)疑數(shù)百年以來的貴族制度，并轉(zhuǎn)而向蘇聯(lián)這樣的國家尋求啟示。

Communist Paths

共產(chǎn)主義路線

This branch starts off with the focus Military Communism which will rally the troops on the front line and get them thinking about alternative systems of government. This starting point for the communist path was influenced by the types of movements that sprung up in Africa during the Cold War which often centered around the military acting as a vanguard party to overthrow the old order. In this timeline, we're seeing that a little earlier due to the bleak position Ethiopia is in during 1936 and the memory of Russia's 1917 October revolution still being fresh in the minds of people during the time period.

這條分支從“軍事共產(chǎn)主義”這個國策開始，它會召集起前線的軍隊并引導(dǎo)他們思考另一種政府體制。共產(chǎn)主義路線的起點(diǎn)受冷戰(zhàn)期間非洲興起的各類運(yùn)動影響，通常著重于以軍隊作為先鋒隊推翻舊秩序。由于埃塞俄比亞在1936年所處的慘淡環(huán)境，而且人們對俄羅斯1917年的十月革命仍然記憶猶新，我們會目睹此類運(yùn)動在本時間線中更早興起。

Now, the military isn't the only place where communist influence is spreading during this time period. The Black Lions were an anti-fascist resistance movement in Ethiopia during the Italo-Ethiopian War and some members struggled on even after the country surrendered. While historically the Black Lions were mainly focused on anti-fascism and independence for Ethiopia, a number of members of the Black Lions were supposedly communist leaning. So alongside the spreading of communist thought among the military we also wanted to explore the what if scenario of the Black Lions, with all their skills and organization as resistance fighters, becoming increasingly disillusioned with the imperial system too.

這一時期的共產(chǎn)主義影響并非僅在軍隊中傳播。黑獅組織Black Lions是意埃戰(zhàn)爭時期的一個反法西斯抵抗運(yùn)動組織，有些成員甚至在該國投降后仍然繼續(xù)斗爭。盡管歷史上黑獅組織主要是關(guān)注于反法西斯和埃塞俄比亞的解放，后世認(rèn)為其內(nèi)部一眾成員都有共產(chǎn)主義傾向。因此隨著軍隊中的共產(chǎn)主義思想傳播，我們還設(shè)想了有著抵抗戰(zhàn)士的技巧與組織的黑獅組織，對帝國體制越來越失望的情景。

Following on from this, we have Defending our Homes which grants defensive bonuses on core territory as the troops become desperate to prevent the destruction of their homeland. We also have Anti-Imperialist Agitation which adds a wave of communist support as more and more people turn their backs on the failing imperial system. In order to progress beyond this point of the branch, Ethiopia needs at least 20% support for the communists. As mentioned earlier, Military Communism is based around the military forcing a communist revolution rather than the types of mass movements that have started them in other countries. But while 20% support may seem low, it's worth remembering that the Italians will be steadily chipping away at your territory, so even getting to this threshold can be a real race against time.

接下來，我們有“保衛(wèi)家園”國策，由于部隊越發(fā)堅決地嘗試阻止家園被破壞，因此獲得在核心領(lǐng)土上的防御增益。隨著越來越多的人開始反對正在失敗的帝國制度，我們還有“反帝國主義情緒”國策，將增加共產(chǎn)主義的支持度。如果要在這條路線中繼續(xù)推進(jìn)，埃塞俄比亞需要至少20%的共產(chǎn)主義支持度。如前所述，“軍事共產(chǎn)主義”國策是基于軍隊以武力發(fā)動共產(chǎn)主義革命，而非其他國家發(fā)起的那種大眾運(yùn)動。不過雖然20%支持度看起來很低，但要記住意大利人正在逐步蠶食你的領(lǐng)土，所以光是到達(dá)這一閾值也是一場與時間的賽跑。

Once there is enough support for the communists, the next focus in the branch In the Name of the People will become available. This focus, as you might expect, triggers a coup against the government of Haile Selassie. The Black Lions and members of the military will arrest the emperor and form a provisional government. At the head of this provisional government is Alemework Beyene, the chairman of the Black Lions. From the offset of this provisional government, relations will be strained between the military communists and the Black Lions. The Black Lions' constitution places the political sphere above the military and enshrines the rights of peasants, while those in the military believe they alone can govern Ethiopia in this time of crisis. This instability will be a key issue going forward.

一旦共產(chǎn)主義擁有了足夠的支持度，就可以選取該路線的下一個國策：“人民的名義”。這個國策效果不出意外，會引發(fā)一場反對海爾塞拉西政府的政變。黑獅組織和軍隊成員將逮捕皇帝并組成一個臨時政府。阿勒姆沃·貝耶尼Alemework Beyene，黑獅組織的主席將成為臨時政府的首腦。但隨著臨時政府的解散，軍隊中的共產(chǎn)主義者與黑獅組織之間的關(guān)系將日漸緊張。黑獅組織的理念是政治高于軍隊，并且保障農(nóng)民的權(quán)益，而軍方認(rèn)為只有他們能在危機(jī)中帶領(lǐng)埃塞俄比亞。這種不穩(wěn)定性將會成為決定未來的關(guān)鍵因素。

Due to the dire situation brought on by the Italian invasion, the two political factions are forced to cooperate. For the time being anyway. During the coup, Black Lion and Red Guards divisions will become available to help maintain a smooth transition of power and to back up the beleaguered troops on the front line. With control of Ethiopia established, the first major decision to make is how to continue the fight against Italy. The Black Lions advocate for A Callout to the World which will set Ethiopia on a course to rally support from anti-fascists across the globe.

由于意大利入侵導(dǎo)致的緊迫局勢，這兩大政治集團(tuán)暫時團(tuán)結(jié)在了一起——至少現(xiàn)今如此。在政變期間，黑獅組織Black Lion和赤衛(wèi)隊Red Guards將幫助維持權(quán)力的平穩(wěn)過度，并支援前線的受困部隊。當(dāng)新政權(quán)建立以后，首先要做的就是決定如何繼續(xù)與意大利的作戰(zhàn)。黑獅組織提倡“號召全世界”，這條路線中埃塞俄比亞將嘗試召集全世界反法西斯主義者的支持。

Meanwhile the military communists believe the only real hope of victory lies in gaining the support of the Soviet Union. Let's start by looking at the Soviet sub-branch which starts with Soviet Aid. This focus gives the Soviets the option to support Ethiopia with volunteers and opens the door to future cooperation. The well equipped Soviet divisions and air force make a massive difference in turning the tide against Italy. Following on from this, there are options to request more Soviet material support in the form of rifles, aircraft and armored vehicles. Or there's the option to invite experienced Soviet generals to lead your armies. Of course the downside to this decision is that your own officers are not gaining experience, but sometimes desperate times call for desperate measures. As the country becomes increasingly influenced by the Soviets, Alemework Beyene and the provisional government will be ousted to be replaced with the military administration of Ethiopia.

與此同時，軍事共產(chǎn)主義者相信只有獲得蘇聯(lián)的支持才有可能取得勝利。我們先來看看開始于“蘇聯(lián)援助”的路線。這個國策會提高蘇聯(lián)向埃塞俄比亞派遣志愿軍的意向，并為進(jìn)一步合作打開一扇門。裝備精良的蘇聯(lián)陸、空軍將用強(qiáng)有力的防御扭轉(zhuǎn)對意作戰(zhàn)的頹勢。這之后還可以選擇請求蘇聯(lián)以步槍、飛機(jī)和裝甲載具的形式進(jìn)行更多物質(zhì)援助。也可以邀請久經(jīng)沙場的蘇聯(lián)將領(lǐng)來指揮你的軍隊。當(dāng)然這樣做的缺點(diǎn)就是你自己的軍官無法獲得經(jīng)驗，但有時在非常時期就得采取非常手段。隨著蘇聯(lián)對整個國家的影響日益加深，阿勒姆沃·貝耶尼以及臨時政府將被埃塞俄比亞軍政府取代。

With the tide of war shifting and the Italian invasion brought to a halt by the combined efforts of Ethiopia and the Soviet Union, it's time to start thinking of a way out of the conflict. This is where the focus Soviet Mediation comes in. This focus will prompt the Soviet Union to demand Italy withdraws to pre-war borders in East-Africa, or suffer the wrath of the Red Army. There's a game of chicken here though, depending on the strength of both nations, Mussolini may call Stalin's bluff and Stalin may back down. Or Mussolini might think Stalin is bluffing and quickly find the Red Army on the march. For Ethiopia, this is somewhat of a win-win scenario however as it is already at war with Italy. So it either gets peace or a strong ally in the ongoing conflict.

隨著戰(zhàn)爭形勢的逆轉(zhuǎn)，埃塞俄比亞和蘇聯(lián)聯(lián)手阻止了意大利侵略者的進(jìn)一步企圖，是時候考慮如何結(jié)束沖突了。這時國策“蘇聯(lián)調(diào)停”就派上用場了。這一國策將使蘇聯(lián)向意大利提出退回戰(zhàn)前東非邊界的要求，如果意大利拒絕則將面對紅軍的怒火。然而這場膽量博弈的勝負(fù)還將取決于雙方的實力，有可能墨索里尼沒有被斯大林嚇退而后者選擇讓步，也有可能墨索里尼自以為斯大林是在虛張聲勢，卻發(fā)現(xiàn)蘇聯(lián)紅軍開上了戰(zhàn)場。不過對于埃塞俄比亞來說左右都是贏，畢竟它已經(jīng)在和意大利交戰(zhàn)了。結(jié)果要么贏得和平，要么迎來一位強(qiáng)大盟友參戰(zhàn)。

All of this support from the Soviet Union of course doesn't come for free. Uncle Joe is going to want you firmly in the Soviet sphere of influence going forward, which means becoming a puppet. At least for now. Similar to the fascist branch, there are benefits to being a puppet but it doesn't necessarily have to be permanent either...

當(dāng)然，蘇聯(lián)的援助可不是白拿的。約大叔需要你不斷加深蘇聯(lián)的影響，換句話說就是成為傀儡國，至少是暫時。與法西斯路線相似，成為傀儡國也有一定的好處，但也不一定永遠(yuǎn)只能保持傀儡國地位……

With the revolution in Ethiopia finally secure, it is time to start building a glorious workers republic. Luckily, Soviet Engineers are on hand to support reconstruction efforts. Here, we have a few mutually exclusive choices depending on priorities. Taking advantage of being a puppet of course comes at the cost of autonomy but gives access to Soviet design companies and factories via the Mytishchy-Abba Machine Plant and Soviet-Ethiopian Trade Agreement. But there's also the option to push back against Soviet influence by dismissing their advisors and officers from the country as well as pursuing trade agreements with nations beyond the Soviet sphere of influence. While deciding on which course to take there are also focuses to expand Ethiopian influence in the region by 'liberating' the people of the Afar and Djibouti.

隨著埃塞俄比亞的革命最終取得勝利，是時候開始建設(shè)一個偉大的工人共和國了。幸運(yùn)的是，“蘇聯(lián)工程師”隨時能夠幫助我們進(jìn)行重建。這里有幾個互斥的分支，如何選擇將取決于你的優(yōu)先級。在利用傀儡國的身份獲利的同時，當(dāng)然也要付出自主權(quán)的代價，通過“梅季希-亞貝巴機(jī)械廠”以及“蘇埃貿(mào)易協(xié)定” ，我們將允許蘇聯(lián)設(shè)計局和工廠進(jìn)入埃塞俄比亞。但也可以選擇通過解雇蘇聯(lián)顧問和軍官以及尋求與不受蘇聯(lián)影響的國家達(dá)成貿(mào)易協(xié)定來削弱蘇聯(lián)的影響。除了需要決定選擇哪條道路以外，還有一些國策可以通過“解放”阿法爾和吉布提的人民來擴(kuò)展埃塞俄比亞的地區(qū)影響力。

Loyalty to the Soviet cause will allow Ethiopia to Request Soviet Ships to help make the Red Sea a little more red. But, if the Ethiopian military administration has grown disillusioned with Soviet meddling in their affairs, Our Own Path will allow them to declare independence once again. However, the Soviets may not take too kindly to having their investment in Ethiopia thrown back at them.

保持對蘇聯(lián)的忠誠使得埃塞俄比亞能夠通過“請求蘇聯(lián)戰(zhàn)列艦船體”來讓紅海變得更紅一點(diǎn)。但如果埃塞俄比亞軍政府因蘇聯(lián)插手國內(nèi)事務(wù)而對其大失所望，那么“自己的路”將允許他們再一次宣布獨(dú)立。然而蘇聯(lián)是不會坐視其在埃塞俄比亞的投資反咬自己一口的。

Either as an independent socialist republic or a Soviet backed one, East-Africa can be dangerous with all those imperialist powers nearby. Freedom at Gunpoint unlocks decisions for waging liberation wars against the neighboring powers to release their colonial territories. Don't worry though, this doesn't mean successfully marching from Addis Ababa to London in order to liberate Sudan. Once Ethiopia gains enough territory in the nation they are attempting to liberate, they will have the option to request a peace deal with the colonial power. With bigger enemies to deal with closer to home, they're likely going to cut their losses.

無論作為獨(dú)立的社會主義共和國還是蘇聯(lián)的傀儡，東非都不容那些帝國主義列強(qiáng)染指。“槍口下的自由”將解鎖決議來發(fā)起對臨近強(qiáng)國的解放戰(zhàn)爭以釋放其殖民領(lǐng)。不過不用擔(dān)心，這并不需要你從亞的斯亞貝巴一路打到倫敦來解放蘇丹。一旦埃塞俄比亞占領(lǐng)了解放目標(biāo)足夠多的領(lǐng)土，就會得到與殖民帝國和談的選項。由于歐洲腹地還醞釀著更大的威脅，因此他們通常愿意及時止損。

This system for releasing African nations will come in very useful later on. But first of all, let's take a step back to A Callout to the World. We've seen how the military communists will lead the country if given a chance, taking it in a more Soviet inspired direction, but what about the Black Lions? Due to the decentralized, anti-fascist and anti-authoritarian values of the organization it seems they would take Ethiopia in a much different direction.

這個釋放非洲國家的系統(tǒng)在以后會非常有用。但首先，讓我們回頭看看國策“號召全世界”。我們已經(jīng)看到了軍事共產(chǎn)主義者獲得機(jī)會后將如何領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，并將國家引向蘇聯(lián)指導(dǎo)下的方向，那黑獅組織呢？考慮到該組織反中央集權(quán)、反法西斯和反獨(dú)裁的價值觀，他們似乎會把埃塞俄比亞帶向一個更不同的方向。

Taking the Callout to the World focus will unlock a number of advisors from across the world including socialists and anarchists such as Sylvia Pankhurst and Emma Goldman. Japanese Anarcho-Communism builds upon this further by recruiting the anarcho-communist Iwasa Sakutarō and the anarcho-syndicalist Ishikawa Sanshirō. Although be aware, these two supposedly really disliked each other, so you won’t be able to hire both of them at the same time. Following on from this, a choice must be made between International Brigades which creates a steady stream of manpower and war support for Ethiopia, or The Peoples Army which reforms the military by removing the conservative high-command and its associated penalties.

選取國策“號召全世界”，將解鎖一批來自世界各地的顧問，包括社會主義者和無政府主義者，比如西爾維婭·潘克赫斯特和艾瑪·戈德曼?！叭帐綗o政府共產(chǎn)主義”在此基礎(chǔ)上進(jìn)一步發(fā)展，招募了無政府-共產(chǎn)主義的巖佐作太郎和無政府-工團(tuán)主義的石川三四郎。但要注意，這兩個人據(jù)說水火不容，所以你不可能同時雇傭他們兩個人。在這之后，你必須在“國際縱隊”和“人民軍隊”之間做出選擇，前者為埃塞俄比亞創(chuàng)造了源源不斷的人力和戰(zhàn)爭支持，后者則通過取消保守的統(tǒng)帥部及其相關(guān)懲罰措施來改革軍隊。

With the support of the anarcho-communists of the world, Ethiopia should finally be starting to halt the Italian advance. However, without the support of the League of Nations or a major power, any peace negotiations are going to be limited to essentially a ceasefire with the Italians. But much as we explored in the fascist branch, so long as part of Ethiopia survives, there is hope of restoring it fully someday.

在全世界的無政府主義者和共產(chǎn)主義者支持下，埃塞俄比亞終于開始阻止意大利人前進(jìn)的腳步。然而，如果沒有國際聯(lián)盟或者一個大國的支持，任何與意大利人的和平談判本質(zhì)上都只是?；饏f(xié)議。但就像我們在法西斯路線中探討的那樣，只要埃塞俄比亞一息尚存，她就有希望在某一天光復(fù)自己的全部領(lǐng)土。

With an uneasy peace settling in with the Italians, attention can be turned to reforming what remains of the nation into a more economically prosperous and egalitarian society. The decisions made here will determine how far towards anarchism Ethiopia will go. Will it totally decentralize to become an anarcho-communist federation of loosely knit communities? Or will it remain somewhat centralized with a more traditional government to hold the republic together? These decisions will lead to various different leaders, including an anarchist council.

在與意大利人建立來之不易的和平后，便能將注意力轉(zhuǎn)向改革國家，努力建設(shè)一個經(jīng)濟(jì)上更加繁榮和平等的社會。這里的決議將決定埃塞俄比亞將在無政府主義的道路上走多遠(yuǎn)。她是將完全放權(quán)，成為一個由松散的社區(qū)組成的無政府-共產(chǎn)主義聯(lián)盟？還是保持某種程度的中央集權(quán)，由一個更傳統(tǒng)的政府來維持共和國的穩(wěn)定？這些決議將產(chǎn)生各種不同的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，包括一個無政府主義委員會。

With Ethiopia reformed under a new political system, it's time to start thinking about the enemies around East-Africa. In this sub-branch, the people of Ethiopia won't be rolling into the surrounding areas in tanks to forcibly liberate their neighbors. Instead the African Wildfire focus will allow the revolutionary government of Ethiopia to funnel supplies into the neighboring states to increase resistance against their colonial overlords until they eventually break free on their own. You might have noticed that both sub-branches here offer means of freeing the people of Africa from colonial rule. And that's because of the final section of this branch.

埃塞俄比亞已在新的政治體制下完成改革，現(xiàn)在是時候開始考慮東非周圍的敵人了。在這個國策路線中，埃塞俄比亞人不會開著坦克闖入周邊地區(qū)，用武力強(qiáng)行“解放”他們的鄰居。而是通過“非洲野火”國策來讓埃塞俄比亞革命政府將物資輸送到周邊國家，以增強(qiáng)他們抵抗殖民統(tǒng)治者的能力，直到這些抵抗者為自己爭得自由。你可能已經(jīng)注意到，這里的兩個分支都提供了使非洲人民擺脫殖民統(tǒng)治的方式。這是因為它們是該國策樹路線下的最后一節(jié)。

The African Union

非洲聯(lián)盟

Both the anarcho-communist and Soviet sub-branches lead to this focus, The Organization of African Unity. In real life, the organization was established in 1963 with its headquarters in Addis Ababa. The organization strove to become a unifying force in African politics and ultimately became the African Union, a union somewhat similar to the European Union that many might be more familiar with. The roots of this pan-Africanism were already spreading in the 1930s and 1940s however.

無政府-共產(chǎn)主義和蘇維埃主義分支都將導(dǎo)向這個國策，即非洲統(tǒng)一組織Organization of African Unity。在現(xiàn)實中，該組織成立于1963年，總部設(shè)在亞的斯亞貝巴。該組織致力于實現(xiàn)非洲政治的統(tǒng)一協(xié)調(diào)，并最終成為非洲聯(lián)盟，這個聯(lián)盟有些類似于大部分人更熟悉的歐洲聯(lián)盟。然而，這種泛非主義的根基在20世紀(jì)30-40年代就已經(jīng)蔓延開來。

Here, we explore those ideas from a more radical perspective. By becoming the founder of the Organization of African Unity, Ethiopia unlocks decisions to invite independent nations in Africa to join it. Each member gets a national spirit to signify their membership.

在這里，我們從一個更激進(jìn)的角度來探索這些理念。通過成為非洲統(tǒng)一組織的創(chuàng)始國，埃塞俄比亞能解鎖決議，以邀請獨(dú)立非洲國家加入非洲統(tǒng)一組織。每個成員都得到一個相關(guān)的民族精神，以標(biāo)示其成員國身份。

Further down this branch we have focuses for creating pan-African institutions such as an African Central bank which gives economic boosts to members who agree to join the institution. And we have the mutual defense agreement which member states can also join. Unlike a regular alliance where nations feel obligated to join each other's wars, this defensive agreement is only triggered when a member state is attacked, in which case all other members will come to the aid of said nation. Kind of like NATO;s Article 5. Nations can pick and choose which aspects of the organization to participate in, however if the Organization was formed by the more militaristic incarnation of Ethiopia, nations may find themselves being strong armed into cooperation…

在這個路線下，我們有一些創(chuàng)建泛非洲機(jī)構(gòu)的國策，比如“非洲中央銀行”，它會為同意加入該機(jī)構(gòu)的成員國帶來經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮，我們也有為成員國打造的共同防衛(wèi)協(xié)定。普通的軍事同盟中各個盟國均有義務(wù)加入彼此的戰(zhàn)爭，而這種共同防衛(wèi)協(xié)定只有在某個成員國的領(lǐng)土遭受入侵時才會被觸發(fā)，此時所有其他成員國都會向該國家提供援助，這有點(diǎn)像北大西洋公約中的第五條（集體防御條款）。各國可以選擇參與該組織的哪些方面，然而，如果該組織是被走軍國主義線的埃塞俄比亞創(chuàng)建的，這些國家可能會發(fā)現(xiàn)自己被強(qiáng)行武裝起來，以便開展“合作”……

Finally, as the various nations begin to pull together, Ethiopia’s final focus will become available, The African Union. Ethiopia will become the heart of the African Union with a beautiful new flag and the ability to integrate and core the territory of the Organization of African Unities member states. Hopefully it makes sense now why releasing African countries from colonial rule is so important in the run up to this part. While each individual country may be lacking in strength, together they can become a real menace in the Mediterranean and Indian Oceans which leads to really interesting clashes against the Allies and the Axis powers. Depending on the path taken to forming the African Union, the organization can feel very different. When coming at it from the Soviet sub-branch, it will feel a lot more like a 'Soviet Union of Africa' for example.

最后，隨著各個國家開始團(tuán)結(jié)起來，點(diǎn)亮埃塞俄比亞的最后一個國策將成為可能，即“非洲聯(lián)盟”。埃塞俄比亞將成為非盟的心臟，獲得一面漂亮的很的新旗幟，并有能力整合和核心化其他非盟成員國的領(lǐng)土。希望你現(xiàn)在明白了，為了達(dá)成這一效果，在這之前將這些非洲國家從殖民統(tǒng)治中解放出來是多么重要。雖然每個國家都可能缺乏實力，但她們團(tuán)結(jié)起來后便可以成為地中海-印度洋一帶舉足輕重的力量，從而帶來一系列與同盟國和軸心國之間的相當(dāng)有趣的沖突。受到組建非洲聯(lián)盟的路線影響，這一組織的氣質(zhì)可能非常不同。例如，如果它是從蘇維埃分支國策建立的，那么它將更像一個“非洲版蘇聯(lián)”。

That's all for this week folks. Remember all of this is still a work in progress and may be subject to change. But hopefully this has got you excited for Ethiopia's revamped focus tree and its potential for fascinating alternate history. And I hope you're excited for the next development diary two weeks from now which will be on the new plane designer. See you then!

這就是本周日志的全部內(nèi)容啦伙計們。還請記住所有這些游戲內(nèi)容仍處在開發(fā)階段，可能會有變動。但希望這能讓你們對埃塞俄比亞改版后的國策樹感興趣，它有潛力在游戲中帶來一段迷人的（魔幻歷史）世界線。我也希望你們會對兩周后的下一篇開發(fā)日志感興趣，它是關(guān)于新的飛機(jī)設(shè)計器的。到時候不見不散！

翻譯：視力不好的胡德 摸魚怪 人間面包 雷敏Duke 李勛回來了 識大體的林登萬將軍

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